V.-.- 
THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  ILLINOIS 

LIBRARY,-; 

FA' 

38>V.  1 |  • 

• 

•  . 

1 '  "• 

PL.   I. 


The  Marau  kiva  in  the  south-west  corner  of  the  village  of  Oraibi,  showing  in 
the  centre  of  the  plaza. 


j>       /    *-   ,  V  -> 


^A 


Publications 


OF 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL 
HISTORY 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SERIES 
Volume  XI 


CHICAGO 
1912 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

i.     Voth,  H.  R.,  The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony       ....  i 

2.     Voth,  H.  R.,  Brief  Miscellaneous  Hopi  Papers       ...        89 


Field  Museum  ok  Natural  History 

Publication   156 

Anthropological  Series  Vol.  XI,  No.  1 


THE  ORAIBI   MARAU 
CEREMONY 


BY 

H.    R.    Voth 


The  Stanley  McCormick  Hopi  Expedition 


George  A.  Dorsey 
Curator,  Department  of  Anthropology 


Chicago,  U.  S.  A. 

February,  1912^ 


&$) 


iu 

— » 


FA 

v/.|| 


THE   ORAIBI   MARAU    CEREMONY 


FIRST  PART 

BY 
H.    R.    VOTH 


212468 


CONTENTS. 


FIRST    PART 

Page 

Preface "  * 

List  of  Illustrations -  9 

Introduction -II 

Baholawu  or  Introductory  Ceremony 13 

i.  Baholawu  of  1894 x3 

2.  Baholawu  of  1898 J5 

The  Principal  Ceremony: l6 

First  Day l6 

Second  Day 23 

Third  Day 24 

Fourth  Day 24 

Fifth  Day 3° 

vSixth  Day 33 

Seventh  Day     -                              33 

Eighth  Day 33 

Ninth  Day 35 


PREFACE. 


Through  the  renewed  generosity  of  Mr.  Stanley  McCormick,  the 
Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  resumes  investigations  among  the 
Hopi  Indians  of  Arizona.  The  services  of  Mr.  H.  R.  Voth,  who  has 
made  that  tribe  the  object  of  special  studies,  have  again  been  secured 
to  construct  additional  Hopi  altars  and  prepare  further  papers  on  Hopi 
ceremonies  and  customs,  and  to  add  new  ethnic  features  to  the  Hopi 
collections. 

This  monograph  on  the  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  describes  the 
second  of  several  extended  ceremonies  of  the  women  of  Oraibi,  the  first 
one,  "The  Oraibi  Oaqol  Ceremony,"  having  been  published  in  iqoi 
in  the  series  of  papers  on  the  Hopi  under  the  Stanley  McCormick 
expedition. 

The  profound  thanks  of  the  Museum  and  this  Department  to 
Mr.  Stanley  McCormick  for  his  continued  generosity  are  herewith 
cheerfully  acknowledged.  George  A.  Dorsey, 

Curator,  Dept.  of  Anthropology. 
Chicago,  January  191 2. 


LIST  OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


FIRST   PART:    THE   WINTER   CEREMONY. 

Plate 
I.     The  Marau  kiva Frontispiece. 

Opposite 
Page 

II.     Wickwaya,  chief  Marau  priest 13 

III.  a.  Tangakweima,  chief  Marau  priestess  (formerly)  -       -       -       -     14 
b.  Tangakweima,  returning  from  the  plaza 14 

IV.  a.  The  natsi  on  the  Marau  kiva 18 

b.  Navini  getting  sand -        -18 

V.     The  Marau  altar  in  the  winter  ceremony 19 

VI.     a.  Priestess  going  to  the  spring 20 

b.  Priestess  returning  from  the  spring 20 

VII.     a.  Priestess  offering  at  the  spring 21 

b.  Priestess  ascending  from  the  spring 21 

VIII.     a.  Priestess  waiting  to  be  discharmed 22 

b.  Chief  priest  discharming  priestesses 22 

IX.     a.  Women  around  altar 23 

b.  Priestess  blowing  whistle 23 

X.     a.  Altar  dismantled 32 

b.  Chief  priest  smoking  over  prayer  offering 32 

XI.     Anga-Katcinas 35 

XII.     a.  Balhikv-Manas  and  two  dancers 36 

b.  Balhikv-Manas  and  two  dancers  showing  sun  symbol         -        -  36 


SECOND    PART:    THE   SUMMER    CEREMONY. 


XIII.  The  Marau  altar  (summer  ceremony) 41 

XIV.  a.  Homihoiniwa,  chief  Marau  priest 45 

b.  Wickwaya,  repainting  idols 45 

XV.     Navini,  assistant  Marau  priest 47 

XVI.     Women  around  the  altar 54 

XVII.     Priestess  with  the  shield  on  her  back 58 

XVIII.     Marau-vahos 59 

XIX.     a.  Priestess  with  the  wand  emerging  from  the  kiva  -       -        -        -  60 

b.  Priestess  with  the  wand  going  to  the  plaza 60 

XX.     a.  Wand  priestess  in  the  circle 61 

b.  The  corn-stalk  dance  in  the  morning 61 

XXI.     The  two  Archers 62 

XXII.     a.  Lancers  emerging  from  the  kiva 63 

b.  Lancers  at  work 63 

9 


Illustrations. 

Opposite 
Page 

XXIII.  a.  Archers  getting  meal 64 

b.  Archers  preparing  balls 64 

XXIV.  Lancers  returning  to  the  kiva 65 

XXV.     Wand  priestess  returning  to  the  kiva  -------65 

XXVI.  One  of  the  public  dances 66 

XXVII.  The  Rabbit  Mother  in  full  costume  (rear  view)         -       ...  66 

XXVIII.  a.  Dancers  returning  to  the  kiva 67 

b.  Marau-vahos  outside  the  kiva 67 

XXIX.  The  Rabbit  Mother  in  the  circle 68 

XXX.  Various  ceremonial  objects .-68 

XXXI.  Dismantling  the  Rabbit  Mother  -     • 68 

XXXII.  The  Pookong  shrine 69 

XXXIII.  The  Marau  altar  in  the  Field  Museum 70 


IO 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  description  of  the  Oraibi  Winter  and  Summer  Marau  Cere- 
monies, given  in  this  volume,  is  the  result  of  several  partial  observations 
in  different  years.  As  the  author  had  to  make  these  investigations 
almost  entirely  alone,  and  the  ceremonies  are  sometimes  going  on  day 
and  night,  it  is  a  physical  impossibility  for  one  man  to  make  an  ex- 
haustive study  of  a  nine-day  (and  night)  ceremony  at  one  time.  But 
such  a  protracted  study  of  the  same  ceremony,  on  different  occasions, 
has  the  advantage  to  enable  the  student  to  make  comparisons  and  to 
not  only  fill  up  gaps,  but  also  to  corroborate  observations  made  on 
previous  occasions.  On  the  other  hand,  such  interrupted  studies 
have  this  disadvantage,  that  the  participants  are  not  the  same  in  the 
various  ceremonies,  so  that  certain  priests,  or  other  participants,  per- 
forming certain  particular  rites,  cannot  so  easily  be  referred  to  by  name. 
In  this  instance,  however,  the  leaders  and  other  principal  participants 
were,  with  a  few  exceptions,  the  same  in  the  different  ceremonies  that 
were  observed. 

The  Mamzrautu,  (Marau  Society),  is  a  woman's  fraternity  and 
in  Oraibi  has  its  own  kiva,  or  underground  ceremonial  and  working 
chamber  (see  Plate  I,  Frontispiece).  But,  as  is  the  case  with  all 
women's  societies,  a  number  of  men  also  belong  to  this  order,  who 
perform  certain  functions  and  control  certain  sacred  objects  in  all  the 
ceremonies. 

As  to  the  meaning  of  the  term  "Marau"  I  am  not  sure  that  I  have 
been  able  to  settle  it,  even  to  my  own  satisfaction.  The  chief  priest 
Wickwaya  l  (see  Plate  II)  and  others  insisted,  that  it  was  derived 
from  a  small  beetle,  maraubiwich-hoya.  But  just  what  the  origin 
was  of  the  connection  between  this  small  insect  and  a  great  Hopi 
ceremony,  or  the  reason  therefore,  he  either  could  not,  or  would  not, 
tell.  But  the  cordial  relation,  that  existed  between  him  and  myself 
for  years,  and  the  willingness  with  which  he  gave  me  other  information 
asked  for,  leads  me  to  believe  that  he  did  not  know  himself.  He 
once  told  me,  with  great  satisfaction,  that  years  ago,  one  of  these 

1  The  chief  priest,  Wickwaya.  whose  name  is  so  often  mentioned  in  these  papers,  has  since  em- 
braced the  Christian  religion,  and  surrendered  his  position  as  chief  priest  in  the  Marau  fraternity  a 
number  of  years  ago,  his  half  brother  Homihoiniwa  succeeding  him.  The  latter  conducted  the 
ceremony  for  the  first  time  in  1003. 

II 


12  Introduction. 

beetles  had  found  its  way  into  the  kiva  and  had  been  flying  around 
there  for  some  time  while  a  ceremony  was  in  progress. 

The  principal  leaders  of  this  cult  belong  to  the  Kukuts  (Lizard) 
clan,  which  is  related  to  the  Snake  and  Sand  clans.  The  ceremonies 
take  place  every  alternate  years,  one  in  January,  the  other  in  Sep- 
tember, both  of  which  are  described  separately  in  this  paper,  the  first 
as  the  winter,  the  second  as  the  summer  ceremony.  They  are  essentially 
the  same,  and  yet  the  numerous  variations  seemed  to  warrant  a  sepa- 
rate description  of  each  of  them. 

The  ceremonies  on  which  this  description  of  the  winter  performance 
is  based,  took  place  in  the  years  1897,  1901  and  1903: — The  author 
was  then  missionary  among  the  Hopi  and  it  was  his  intention  to  pub- 
lish this  paper  in  connection  with  his  other  papers  when  he  was  con- 
nected with  the  Field  Museum,  about  nine  years  ago.  But  for  various 
reasons  this  plan  could  not  be  carried  out.  In  the  meantime  great 
changes  have  taken  place  in  Oraibi.  Strife  and  contentions  between 
the  different  factions  have  driven  a  large  part  of  the  inhabitants  from 
the  village.  These  have  started  several  new  villages.  This  fact 
makes  it  highly  probable,  that  the  Marau  ceremony,  as  well  as  the 
others,  will,  in  the  future,  never  be  the  elaborate  affairs  that  they  used 
to  be  in  the  past.  Hence  it  was  thought  best  to  publish  these  notes 
even  though  they  are  not  quite  complete  and  appear  somewhat  late. 
The  existing  circumstances  in  Oraibi  make  them  perhaps  so  much  the 
more  valuable. 

In  former  publications  I  used  the  letters  and  the  spelling  I  had 
used  in  my  linguistic  studies  on  the  reservation.  For  various  reasons, 
especially  to  simplify  matters,  Hopi  proper  names  and  certain  words 
will  be  written  as  much  as  possible,  according  to  English  pronunciation 
in  this  and  following  publications. 


FIELD  MUSEUM   OF  NATURAL  HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  II. 


PL.  II. 

Wickwaya,  chief  Marau  priest. 


BAHOLAWU   OR    INTRODUCTORY   CEREMONY. 


First  Part 

THE  WINTER   CEREMONY 

This  brief  preliminary  performance  was  observed  on  February  3, 
1894,  and  on  January  20,  1898.  The  first  took  place  in  the  Marau 
kiva,  the  other  in  the  ancestral  home  of  the  Lizard  clan  where  Wickwaya 
the  chief  priest,  (see  Plate  II),  his  sister,  the  chief  priestess,  and  their 
mother  (who  had  formerly  been  the  chief  priestess,  her  daughter 
succeeding  her),  were  still  living  and  which,  of  course,  he  still  considered 
as  his  home.1  The  introductory  Baholawu  (baho  making),  for  other 
ceremonies  also,  frequently  take  place  in  the  ancestral  homes  of  the 
clan  that  controls  the  ceremonies.  As  these  two  brief  ceremonies  were 
four  years  apart,  and  one  took  place  in  a  house,  the  other  in  a  kiva  and 
the  details  vary  somewhat,  they  will  be  described  separately. 

1.  Baholawu,  February  3,  1894. 

Wickwaya,  chief  priest;  Homihoiniwa,  Assistant  priest;  Tangak- 
weima,  (Wickwaya 's  mother)  Chief  priestess;  Paelaka,  Assistant 
priestess  were  the  leaders. 

When  I  arrived  in  the  morning  Tangakweima  had  just  put  up  the 
natsi  (standard)  outside,  which  consisted  of,  I  believe,  six  sticks,  about 
eight  inches  long,  to  which  many  small  hawk  feathers  were  attached, 
and  was  sprinkling  some  meal  on  it,  and  also  some  towards  the  sun. 
The  three  went  into  the  kiva  and  built  a  fire  while  Wickwaya  com- 
menced making  bahos.  Several  bundles  of  such  articles  as  feathers, 
paint,  etc.,  were  lying  on  the  floor.  It  was  quite  cold  in  the  kiva; 
Wickwaya  only  had  a  blanket  around  his  shoulders.  His  hair  was 
hanging  down  loose. 

Tangakweima  now  combed  herself  and  was  then  sent  after  water 
and  a  long  stone  mortar  to  rub  the  paint  on.     Other  women,  who 

1  The  Hopi  considers  his  parental  home  as  his  real  home,  though  he  may  be  married  and  live 
somewhere  else  with  his  family.  If  you  simply  ask  him  where  he  lives,  he  usually  points  to  the  place 
where  his  mother  lives.  The  author  once  had  a  Hopi  who  had  a  wife  and  six  children,  for  three  months 
in  Kansas.  When  this  man  returned  he  first  went  to  his  parents'  home,  who  had  already  retired  for 
the  night,  had  his  mother  prepare  him  a  repast,  related  to  her  some  of  his  experiences  and  then  pro- 
ceeded to  his  family,  to  which  he  was  otherwise  very  much  attached. 

13 


14     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

were  to  take  part  in  the  ceremony  (only  a  small  part  of  the  Marau 
priestesses)  now  began  to  come  into  the  kiva,  each  bringing  with  her 
and  depositing  near  Wickwaya's  paraphernalia  a  corn-husk  leaf  with 
a  little  meal,  a  few  eagle  breath  feathers,  and  a  little  ball  of  home- 
made twine  in  it ;  this  was  afterwards  used  by  each  woman  for  making 
nakwakwosis.  One  or  two  only  had  feathers  and  one  or  two  only 
feathers  and  twine. 

Wickwaya  had  in  meanwhile  finished  the  baho  sticks  and  was 
patiently  waiting  for  the  water  and  the  mortar.  The  sticks  he  had 
placed  into  a  small  tray  with  corn-meal,  with  which  he  had  mixed  a 
little  honey.  As  soon  as  his  mother  had  brought  a  mortar  and  water 
he  ground  some  black  and  green  paint,  and  then  painted  the  sticks 
green,  the  pointed  ends  black,  and  afterwards  put  a  little  yellow  paint 
on  the  facet  which  he  had  cut  out  on  one  end  of  one  of  the  sticks. 
The  women  were  in  the  meanwhile  sitting  around  the  fireplace  warm- 
ing themselves. 

While  Wickwaya  was  painting  the  baho  sticks,  old  Tangakweima 
(see  PI.  Ill)  was  sitting  at  his  side  in  deep  silence,  only  now  and  then 
it  seemed  as  if  she  was  murmuring  a  short  prayer. 

At  a  word  from  Wickwaya  all  the  women  now  seated  themselves 
near  him  in  the  north-west  corner  of  the  kiva  and  each  made  six 
nakwakwosis.  These  they  deposited  into  the  basket,  one  towards 
each  cardinal  point,  and  north-east  (above),  and  south-east  (below). 
Wickwaya  tied  the  usual  turkey  feather,  two  herbs,  a  packet  with  meal 
and  honey  and  a  fuzzy  eagle  feather  with  a  cotton  string,  corn-meal 
(prayer-meal),  etc.,  on  the  baho  sticks,  and  then  took  a  little  honey 
into  his  mouth  and  drew  the  cotton  string  attached  to  the  baho  through 
the  mouth  and  then  through  a  yellow  powder  (corn-pollen),  and  then 
placed  the  baho  also  into  the  tray  for  a  little  while.  Homihoiniwa, 
the  assistant,  now  made  six  nakwakwosis  and  gave  them  to  Chief 
Lolulomais'  mother,  who  was  sitting  to  the  right  of  him.  She  placed 
them  also  into  the  tray  from  the  six  different  directions.  Wickwaya 
who  had  left  the  kiva  for  a  little  while  now  returned,  bringing  with 
him  two  old  gourd  rattles,  and  resumed  his  place.  He  took  a 
little  prayer -meal  and  sprinkled  it  on  the  floor  from  six  directions, 
depositing  a  little  in  the  centre.  On  this  centre  he  then  placed  an 
old  tiponi  (see  Plate  XXX,  d),  after  having  waved  it  from  six 
directions  towards  the  centre.  He  next  handedt  a  little  meal  and  a 
rattle  to  his  mother  who  was  sitting  by  his  left  side,  also  some  to  the 
woman  to  his  right.  He  himself  took  up  a  mosilili,  consisting  of  a 
bent  stick,  from  one  end  of  which  are  suspended  a  number  of  cone- 
shells. 


:$j^^^i&$&i$pJii'%£] 


PL.   III. 


A.  Tangakweima,  chief  Marau  priestess,  later  succeeded  by  her  daughter. 

B.  The  same,  returning  at  the  head  of  the  line  of  priestesses  from  the  plaza. 


Feb.,  1912.     The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  15 

All  now  were  silent  for  a  few  moments  as  if  in  silent  prayer,  where- 
upon a  song  was  chanted  in  a  low  voice,  to  which  the  time  was  beaten 
with  the  mosilili  and  the  gourd  rattles.  When  the  song  was  concluded 
Wickwaya's  old  mother  said,  "askwali"  (thanks). 

Two  of  the  women  next  handed  from  a  small  tray  a  pinch  of  meal 
to  each  woman,  which  they  sprinkled  from  the  six  directions  into  the 
baho  tray,  Wickwaya  and  his  assistant  doing  the  same.  Wickwaya 
also  sprinkled  a  pinch  of  corn-pollen  on  his  baho  in  the  tray.  Then 
all  women,  except  Wickwaya's  mother  and  the  woman  next  to  her, 
went  to  the  fireplace  while  Wickwaya  and  his  assistant  were  smoking, 
blowing  the  smoke  on  the  tray  before  them,  first  Wickwaya,  then 
Homihoiniwa,  then  Wickwaya  again.  Wickwaya  then  spurted  a  little 
honey  over  the  tray. 

Hereupon  Wickwaya  instructed  six  women  to  carry  away  the  na- 
k\\  akwosis.  They  arranged  themselves  in  line  before  him.  The  first 
received  a  little  meal  and  the  nakwakwosis  from  the  north  side  in  the 
tray  and  was  told  to  take  them  to  a  small  shrine  northward  from  the 
village.  She  took  a  little  honey  into  her  mouth  and  took  a  position 
near  the  ladder.  Then  the  next  woman  went  through  the  same  per- 
formance receiving  the  bahos  from  the  west  side  of  the  tray,  and  was 
directed  to  carry  them  somewhere  to  the  west  side  down  the  mesa. 
Then  came  south,  then  east,  then  north-east  (above),  then  south-west 
(below).  When  all  had  received  their  share  they  left.  The  nakwa- 
kwosis were  offered  to  the  clouds  with  the  prayer  for  rain.  Wickwaya 
took  his  sun  baho  to  some  sun  shrine,  I  think  south-east  of  the  mesa. 

This  concluded  the  ceremony  in  the  kiva.  In  the  evening,  however, 
a  Katcina  dance  took  place  in  the  kivas.  On  this  occasion  the  Anga- 
Katcina  appeared.  On  other  Marau  Baholawu  days  such  Katcinas 
as  the  Eagle,  Koyemsi,  Dog  and  other  Katcinas,  have  been  known 
to  perform  dances. 

2.  Baholawu,  January  20,  1898. 

Besides  the  chief  Marau  priest  Wickwaya,  there  were  present  his 
mother,  his  sister  (chief  priestess  of  the  order),  and  five  other  women, 
all  of  whom  took  part  later  on  in  all  the  altar  performances  of  the  nine 
day  ceremony. 

Wickwaya  first  prepared  some  green,  black  and  yellow  paint;  he 
then  made  one  double  baho  (prayerstick)  to  be  offered  to  the  sun  and 
one  puhu  (road)  of  an  eagle  feather,  for  the  same  purpose  (see  Plate 
XXX,  i  and  h).  The  baho  he  painted  green,  the  tips  black  and  the 
facet  in  one  of  the  sticks  (the  female)  yellow.  To  it  were  fastened  the 
usual  two  herbs,  kunya  (Guetteriza  Euthamiae)  and  maovi  (Artemisia 


16      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XL 

frigida),  a  turkey  feather  and  a  small  packet  of  corn-husk,  containing 
corn -meal  and  honey,  a  turkey  feather  and  an  eagle  feather  nakwa- 
kwosis.     He  also  made  five  nakwakwosis  (see  Plate  XXX,  b  and  c). 

Each  of  the  women  first  made  one  nakwakwosi  for  the  sun  which 
they  placed  with  Wickwaya's  baho.  They  then  prepared  a  number 
of  other  nakwakwosis,  some  made  four,  some  five,  some  six,  which  they 
placed  on  a  tray  to  which  Wickwaya  added  those  prepared  by  himself 
and  the  others,  for  the  sun.  The  nakwakwosis  were  placed  towards 
the  north,  west,  south,  east  and  south-west  directions  on  the  tray,  the 
sun  offerings  towards  the  south-east,  which  is  very  unusual.  The  tray 
was  now  placed  on  the  floor  towards  the  center  of  the  room.  On  the 
north-east  side  of  it  on  the  floor  was  standing  the  tiponi  (emblem) 
of  the  order.  All  now  arrayed  themselves  around  the  tray,  Wickwaya 
on  the  north-east  side,  to  his  right  his  sister,  the  tiponi  standing  in 
front  and  between  them.  Then  came  their  mother  and  then  the  rest 
of  the  women. 

When  all  had  assumed  their  (squatting)  position,  Wickwaya  placed 
a  handful  of  meal  on  the  center  of  the  tray  and  on  each  pile  of  nakwa- 
kwosis and  some  meal  and  a  pinch  of  talasi  (corn-pollen)  on  the  baho 
and  nakwakwosis,  prepared  for  the  sun.  He  then  uttered  a  short 
prayer,  took  a  mosilili  (shell  rattle),  his  sister  and  her  assistant,  each  a 
gourd  rattle,  and  then  all  chanted  a  few  songs,  I  think,  three  in  all, 
which  they  accompanied  with  their  rattles.  When  the  singing  was 
concluded,  Wickwaya  smoked  a  while,  blowing  the  smoke  into  the 
tray.  The  women  waited  in  silence.  He  then  took  a  little  honey  into 
his  mouth,  spurted  it  over  the  tray  and  then  handed  the  contents  of 
the  tray  to  five  women,  each  taking  with  her  a  little  meal  and  in  their 
mouths  a  pinch  of  honey.  One  took  the  sun  offering  to  a  place  on  the 
point  of  the  mesa  south  of  the  village.  The  others  deposited  the  nak- 
wakwosis on  the  four  sides  of  and  a  few  hundred  yards  from  the  village. 
While  they  were  gone  Wickwaya  put  away  the  tiponi,  paints,  feathers, 
etc.,  and  when  all  had  returned  they  partook  of  a  meal.  In  the  evening 
a  Katcina  dance  took  place  in  the  kivas. 

THE   PRINCIPAL  CEREMONY. 

First  Day  (Shush  ka  himuu;  once  not  anything) . 

While  the  chief  priest  and,  I  believe,  also  his  assistant,  usually  go 
into  the  kiva  the  previous  evening  already,  smoking,  and  eating  there 
and  decorticating  some  sticks  to  be  used  for  bahos  in  the  ceremony, 
this  is  really  the  first  day  on  which  ceremonies  take  place,  though  the 
Hopi  do  not  call  this  but  the  next  day,  Shush  tala  (first  day).     I  have 


Feb.,  191 2.     The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  17 

never  been  able  to  obtain  a  fully  satisfactory  explanation  for  this  fact, 
which  also  prevails  in  other  ceremonies.  The  answer  they  usually 
give  is  that  this  first  day  really  is  the  last  day  of  another  cycle  of  two 
times  four  days,  which  lies  between  the  introductory  ceremony  (Baho- 
lawu)  and  the  principal  ceremony.  In  that  case  the  designation  "Once 
not  anything"  would  not  be  intended  to  say  that  nothing  is  being  done 
on  this  day  —  when  in  fact  in  certain  ceremonies  it  is  one  of  the  princi- 
pal days  —  but  it  would  rather  refer  to  the  fact  that  this  day,  though 
ceremonies  often  take  place  on  it,  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  two  times 
four  ceremonial  days  proper. 

The  order  of  the  days  would  then  be  as  follows: 
Our  way  of  designating.  The  Hopi  way  of  designating. 

First  day.  Shush  ka  himuu  —  Once  not  anything. 

Second  day.        Shush  tala  —  First  day. 

Third  day.  Losh  tala  —  Second  day. 

Fourth  day.        Bayish  tala  —  Third  day. 

Fifth  day.  Nalosh  tala  —  Fourth  day. 

Sixth  day.  Shush  tala  —  First  day  or  komok-totokya  (wood 

preparing) . 

Seventh  day.       Losh  tala  —  Second  day  or  pik-totokya  (piki  pre- 
paring). 

Eighth  day.         Bayish  tala  —  Third  day  or  totokya  (general  pre- 
paring). 

Xinth  day.  Nalosh  tala  —  Fourth  day  or  tikive  (dance). 

During  the  greater  part  of  the  ceremonies  only  the  chief  priest,  his 
assistant,  the  chief  priestess,  her  assistant,  and  six  other  women,  ten  in 
all,  are  present.  They  perform  the  regular  altar  ceremonies.  The 
assistant  priest,  Navini  (see  Plate  XV)  who  happened  to  be  the  same 
in  all  the  ceremonies  observed,  usually  attended  to  the  fire,  often 
lighted  the  pipe,  etc.  As  the  other  nine  were  not  always  altogether 
the  same  persons  in  the  different  years,  they  will  be  frequently 
referred  to  by  numbers,  shown  in  the  following  diagram: 

1  10 

Altar. 
2  9 

3  8 

4  7 

5         6 


18      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XL 

Following  are  the  names  of  the  more  prominent  men  and  women  that 
participated  in  the  various  ceremonies  that  furnished  the  material  for 
this  paper.  The  first  ten  are  numbered  in  the  order  they  occupy  during 
the  ceremonies  and  in  case  they  are  referred  to  by  number  in  this  paper 
this  list  may  be  consulted.  They  might  be  called  the  leaders,  while 
the  chief  priest,  chief  priestess  and  her  assistant  will  sometimes  be 
referred  to  as  the  principal  leaders.  Where  the  participant,  named  in 
this  list,  was  not  present  and  someone  else  had  taken  her  place  it  will 
be  so  stated.  The  numbers  begin  with  the  woman  at  the  left  upper 
corner  of  the  altar  and  end  with  the  right  upper  corner, 
i.  Pungnyanomsi. 

2.  Nakwahungka.     (One  time  another  woman  occupied  her  place.) 

3.  Talangosi,  assistant  chief  priestess. 

4.  Qotchnomsi,  chief  priestess,  Wickwaya's  sister. 

5.  Navini,  assistant  chief  priest. 

6.  Wick  way  a,  chief  priest. 

7.  Qochawuhti  (other  name :  Kiwanhoynoma) . 

8.  Nasingyaonoma. 

9.  Qomahepnoma. 

10.  Qoyamonoma. 

11.  Sikanomsi.     (One  time  acting  as  assistant  chief  priestess.) 

12.  Qoyahongnoma. 

13.  Tangakweima,  Wickwaya's  mother,  formerly  chief  priestess. 

14.  Homihoiniwa,  Wickwaya's  successor. 

15.  Qoyawaima,  watcher  or  guard. 

16.  Qomaletstiwa. 

17.  Lomalehtiwa. 

18.  Tangakhungniwa,  watcher  or  guard. 

19.  Nakwahoyoma. 

20.  Tangakyeshtiwa.1 

On  the  fourth  and  last  day  others  whose  names  were  not  recorded 
are  present.  On  the  morning  of  this  day  a  ring  of  corn-meal  is  strewn 
around  the  kiva;  the  natsi  or  emblem  of  the  Marau  Society  is  first 
smoked  upon  and  then  put  up  (see  Plate  IV,  a).  This  consists  of  several 
bunches  of  kelehoya,  (sparrow  hawk,  falco  sparverius)  feathers  which 
are  tied  by  short,  twisted,  cotton  strings  to  several  sticks  which  are 
about  eight  inches  long,  and  which  is  thrust  with  the  pointed  end  into 
a  roll  of  dry  grass  that  lies  at  the  south  and  of  the  hatch- way.  Every 
priestess  wears  in  her  hair  two  short  feathers  of  this  same  bird,  which 
are  tied  together  at  the  quill  ends,  and  fastened  to  the  hair  on  top  of 
the  head. 

1  The  accents  for  the  proper  names  will  be  given  in  this  list  only. 


PL.   IV. 

A.  The  Marau  kiva,  showing  the  natsi  (society  standard)  consisting  of  a  bunch 
of  sparrow  hawk  feathers. 

B.  Participants  in  the  Marau  ceremony  getting  sand  for  the  altar. 


K 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  V. 


PL.  V.    The  Marau  Altar  in  the  Winter  Ceremony. 

The  large,  wide  slabs  represent  corn-stalks,  the  zigzag  lightning,  the  small 
sticks,  deceased  members  of  the  order.  The  figurines  are  the  Marau-Manas,  (deities 
of  the  order).  Near  the  ridge  stands  the  tiponi,  the  badge  of  office  of  the  chief 
priest,  consisting  of  an  ear  of  corn,  wound  with  cotton  twine,  and  a  bunch  of  differ- 
ent kinds  of  feathers  in  the  upper  end.  In  the  foreground  is  the  medicine  bowl  with 
six  ears  of  corn,  aspergills,  etc.,  also  two  netted  gourd  vessels,  trays  with  meal, 
rattles,  bone  whistles  and  other  articles  used  in  the  ceremonies. 

In  front  of  the  left  side  figurine  stand  two  "mother  tiponies,"  consisting  of  an 
old  elongated  basket,  to  the  top  of  which  are  tied  long,  black  prayer  sticks  which 
have  nakwakwosis  tied  to  one  end.  Behind  this  figurine  stands  a  small  wooden 
cone  with  a  crystal  inserted  into  the  upper  end.  Small  wooden  frogs  are  placed 
along  the  front,  and  wooden  cloud  symbols  on  the  rear  side  of  the  sand  ridge. 


Feb.,  1912.     The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  19 

The  altar  paraphernalia  are  brought  into  the  kiva  on  the  morning 
of  this  day  and  placed  on  the  floor  on  the  north  side  of  the  kiva,  where 
the  assistant  priest  also  deposits  some  sand,  which  he  gets  in  a  blanket 
from  outside  of  the  village. 

In  the  forenoon  the  chief  priest  makes  four  double  bahos,  the  sticks 
of  which  are  six  inches  long  and  one  (for  the  sun)  somewhat  longer, 
which  he  paints  green,  except  the  tips,  which  are  painted  black,  and  two 
single  bahos  which  are  painted  black  entirely.  He  and  each  woman 
also  make  some  nakwakwosis  for  the  sun  and  one  for  each  of  the  four 
world  quarters,  and  Wickwaya  also  prepares  some  nakwakwosis  to 
be  used  in  the  afternoon.1  All  these  prayer  offerings  are  placed  on  a 
tray,  and  some  corn -meal  and  corn-pollen  sprinkled  on  them.  After 
the  chief  priest  has  uttered  a  brief  prayer  over  them,  and  they  have  been 
consecrated  by  a  few  songs,  in  which  all  present  participate,  and  which 
are  accompanied  by  rattling,  and  the  chief  priest  and  his  assistant  have 
smoked  over  them,  most  of  the  nakwakwosis  are  deposited  by  four 
women  on  the  north,  west,  south  and  east  side  of  the  village.  The 
woman  going  to  the  south  side  of  the  village  on  one  occasion  also  took 
the  baho  and  nakwakwosi  for  the  sun  along.  The  three  principal 
leaders,  Nos.  3,  4  and  5,  then  sat  down  on  their  rolled -up  blankets  in 
the  north-west  corner  of  the  kiva  where  they  spent,  in  the  same  manner, 
a  great  part  of  their  time  during  the  eight  days  when  not  engaged  in 
the  performance  of  some  ceremony.  Wickwaya  sits  in  the  corner,  the 
chief  priestess  next  to  him  and  by  her  side  the  latter 's  assistant,  Sika- 
nomsi,  or  on  another  occasion,  Talangosi. 

The  others,  who  have  not  gone  out  with  the  prayer  offerings,  either 
sit  and  wait  or  begin  to  make  preparations  for  the  building  of  the  altar. 
On  one  occasion  some  of  the  women  unwrapped  their  mother  tiponis, 
while  Navini  either  carded  cotton  or  smoked  at  the  fireplace. 

After  a  brief  rest  Wickwaya  begins  to  put  up  the  altar.  He  first 
places  the  sand,  previously  gotten  by  Navini  and  a  woman  (see  Plate 
IV,  b),  on  the  floor,  forming  it  into  a  semi-circular  ridge.  Into  this  he 
inserts  first  the  larger  slabs  and  zigzags  and  then  the  smaller  sticks 
and  eagle  feathers,  and  finally  places  all  the  smaller  objects,  the  medicine 
bowl,  ears  of  corn,  etc.,  into  their  proper  places  (see  Plate  V).  When 
the  altar  is  finished  Wickwaya  resumes  his  place  in  the  corner  with  the 
two  priestesses,  the  other  participants  also  sitting  in  different  parts 
of  the  kiva  and  waiting.  At  about  two  o'clock  two  of  the  priestesses, 
one  of  them  Pungnyanomsi  (No.  1),  the  other  Qotchwuhti  (No.  7), 
who  acts  as  sprinkler,  put  on  their  white  ceremonial  robes,  Wickwaya 

1  These  nakwakwosis  and  the  four  green  and  two  black  bahos  were  taken  by  two  priestesses  to 
two  springs  in  the  afternoon,  as  will  be  described  on  a  following  page. 


20      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

ties  a  nakwakwosi,  of  an  eagle  feather  into  their  hair,  and  hands  to 
each  one  the  following  objects:  some  nakwakwosis,  some  corn-meal, 
a  long  buzzard  wing  feather,  a  bone  whistle,  an  ear  of  corn,  one  black 
baho,  two  green  bahos,  and  a  netted  gourd  vessel,  and  sends  them  to 
two  different  springs  after  water  to  be  used  in  the  ceremony.  Follow- 
ing one  of  the  priestesses  to  the  spring  Lanva  (Flute  Spring)  I  was 
enabled  to  note  some  details  and  to  get  some  snapshot  photographs. 
At  the  east  side  of  the  spring  she  stopped,  held  the  prayer  offerings 
to  her  lips  and  uttered  a  silent,  short  prayer.  She  then  deposited  the 
two  bahos  and  three  eagle  feathers  and  one  turkey  feather  nakwakwosi, 
with  some  sacred  meal,  I  think  in  a  small  niche  on  the  north  side  of 
the  spring.  Hereupon  she  descended  to  the  spring  proper,  which  is 
about  twenty  feet  below  the  level  of  the  ground,  and  there,  standing 
at  the  edge  of  the  water  (see  Plate  VII,  a),  blew  the  whistle  several 
times  towards  the  water.  Then  she  imitated  the  act  of  dipping  water 
with  the  whistle  four  times,  with  the  long  eagle  feather  five  times  and 
with  the  ear  of  corn  four  times,  whereupon  she  filled  the  gourd  vessel. 
She  then  ascended  the  steps,  taking  with  her  all  the  objects  except  the 
prayer  offerings  (see  Plate  VII,  b).  Arriving  at  the  upper  rim  of 
the  spring  she  cast  a  pinch  of  meal  from  the  spring  on  the  trail  that 
leads  to  the  village  and  deposited  a  "road"  and  some  meal  on  the 
trail  east  of  the  spring,  whereupon  she  hurried  back  to  the  kiva  (see 
Plate  VI,  b),  where  she  arrived  in  about  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes  after 
she  had  left  it.  Here  she  waited  on  the  east  side  of  the  ladder  (see 
Plate  VIII,  a)  until  the  other  woman  returned.  The  chief  priest  had 
in  the  meantime  resumed  his  place  in  the  corner.  When  they  returned 
he  met  and  greeted  them,  sprinkled  first  a  meal  line  from  the  place 
where  they  were  sitting  to  the  altar,  returned  and  took  from  them  the 
small  vessel  with  the  water,  the  long  feather  and  the  whistle,  and 
placed  these  objects  on  the  floor  at  the  altar,  while  the  women 
remained  seated  on  the  elevated  portion  of  the  kiva  floor  on  the  east 
side  of  the  ladder,  their  feet  resting  on  the  floor  of  the  deeper  part  of 
the  kiva.  The  priest  then  stands  in  front  of  the  women,  holding  some 
corn-meal  in  his  right,  a  long  buzzard  wing  feather  in  his  left  hand. 
He  sprinkles  some  meal  on  the  feather,  hums  a  song,  beating  time 
with  the  feather,  waving  it  slightly  up  and  down  (see  Plate  VIII,  b), 
circles  it  above  their  heads  a  few  minutes  and  dusts  off  the  meal  towards 
the  hatch-way.  This  he  does  six  times.  He  then  takes  the  nakwakwosis 
from  their  hair  and  places  them  with  their  mungwikuru,  and  resumes 
his  place.  His  assistant  hands  him  a  so-called  cloud  blower,  a  cone- 
shaped  pipe,  which  he  fills  with  a  certain  kind  of  small,  dry  pine  or 
spruce  needles  and  places  it  on  the  floor  near  the  altar.     At  about  3:15 


PL.  VI. 

A.  Pungnyanomsi  going  to  the  Flute  spring  for  water  to  be  used  in  the  cere- 
mony. 

B.  The  same,  returning  to  the  kiva. 


PL.  VII. 

A.  The  priestess  Pungnyanomsi  making  her  offerings  at  the  spring. 

B.  The  same,  having  obtained  the  water  and  ascending  from  the  spring. 


Feb.,  1912.     The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  21 

p.  m.  all  arrange  themselves  in  a  semicircle  in  front  of  the  altar  (see 
diagram  on  page  17). 

The  chief  priest  rises  and  goes  through  the  same  discharming 
performance  as  he  did  before  with  the  two  priestesses  who  fetched  the 
water  from  the  springs.  The  feather  he  circles  this  time  in  front  of  the 
altar  over  the  heads  of  the  participants  in  the  ceremony.  He  then 
unties  the  nakwakwosis  from  the  hair  of  the  women,  and  places  them 
on  the  floor  in  front  of  the  altar,  and  then  fills  a  smoke  pipe  with  native 
tobacco  which  he  also  places  on  the  floor,  whereupon  he  squats  down 
in  front  and  about  the  middle  of  the  altar,  Navini  and  four  women 
usually  sitting  on  his  left  and  four  women  on 'his  right  side.  These 
ten  persons  are  usually  the  ones  that  participate  in  the  ceremonies 
around  the  altar,  and  hence  are  in  this  paper  sometimes  called  leaders. 
Wickwaya  then  utters  the  following  brief  prayer: 

"Taa,  pai  pi  ita  puu  yep  maksontota;  owi  ita  yep  itah  mungwasi 
nanapangwani.  Nap  hakakwat  unaywasyat  nalo  nananiwo  tuikaowak 
put  akv  puma  angk  ichi  palaye  ak  itamui  okwatotwani." 

Free  Translation. 

"Now  then,  we  exert  ourselves  (we  are  constrained);  therefore  we 
assist  each  other  (cooperate)  here  in  our  concerns  (offerings).     From 
somewhere  the  four  different  ones  (referring  to  the  rain  deities  in  the 
four  world  quarters)  may  they  bring  at  the  right  time  copious  rains  ' 
quickly  (to  us)  taking  pity  on  us." 

Then  the  first  song  is  begun  (see  Plate  IX,  a).  Wickwaya  beats 
time  with  a  rattle,  consisting  of  a  short  crook,  to  which  a  number  of 
old  cone  shells  are  tied.  His  sister  and  her  assistant  beat  time  with 
gourd  rattles  and  the  rest  with  their  ears  of  corn,  which  they  call  their 
"mothers."  Navini,  I  think,  beats  time  with  a  buzzard  feather. 
During  this  song  one  of  the  women  (No.  8)  takes  a  tray  with  fine  corn- 
meal  and  rubs  four  lines  on  the  north,  west,  south  and  east  wall  of  the 
kiva  respectively,  then  throws  a  small  pinch  of  meal  against  a  joist 
over  the  altar  and  presses  some  to  the  floor  east  of  the  altar.  Each  of 
these  acts  is  performed  during  one  of  the  verses  of  the  song. 

The  second  song  is  then  sung,  during  which  the  same  woman  takes 
a  pinch  of  powder  of  some  kind  of  a  berry  from  a  corn-husk,  sprinkles 
it  along  the  corn-ear  and  old  makwanpi  (aspergill)  which  are  lying  on 
the  north  side  of  the  bowl  into  the  bowl,  picks  up  those  two  objects 
and  holds  both  of  them,  point  downward,  into  the  medicine  bowl  and 
then  pours  some  water  on  them  from  a  netted  gourd  vessel.  After 
having  done  this  she  asperges  with  them  towards  the  altar  and  then 


22      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XL 

replaces  them.  This  she  repeats  with  all  the  other  ears  of  corn  and 
aspergills. 

The  third  song  then  follows.  Another  woman  (No.  7)  sprinkles  a 
pinch  of  corn-pollen,  I  think,  into  the  medicine  bowl  from  the  north 
side  and  then  picks  up  an  eagle  bone  whistle,  bends  over  the  medicine 
bowl  and  whistles  into  it  (see  Plate  IX,  b)  asperging  with  the  whistle 
when  she  is  through.     This  sherepeats  from  the  other  five  directions. 

During  the  fourth  song  another  woman  (No.  3)  moves  slightly 
forward  in  a  kneeling  position,  picks  up  the  ear  of  corn  and  makwanpi 
on  the  north  side  of  the  medicine  bowl,  dips  them  into  a  liquid  and 
asperges.  This  she  repeats  with  the  remaining  five  corn-ears  and 
makwanpis. 

Fifth  song.  Two  women  (No.  2  and  No.  10)  each  take  the  two  old 
bow  sticks,  the  one  from  the  east,  the  other  from  the  west  side  of  the 
altar;  another  woman  (No.  7)  takes  the  two  sticks  with  the  grass  wheels 
from  the  figurine  on  the  west  side,  No.  9  takes  those  from  the 
figurine  on  the  east  side  of  the  altar,  and  all  beat  time  with  these  objects 
on  the  floor.  At  a  certain  place  of  the  song  they  raise  them  and  with 
a  sweeping,  downward  motion  they  dip  them  into  the  medicine  bowl 
and  then  asperge  with  them  towards  the  altar.  When  they  dip  their 
objects  into  the  bowl  all  the  others  make  a  motion  towards  the  bowl 
with  the  objects  that  they  hold  in  their  hands.  All  this  is  done  six 
times. 

Sixth  song.  All  sprinkle  meal  on  the  altar  six  times  at  short  in- 
tervals. A  short  interruption  now  occurs  in  the  singing,  during  which 
the  chief  priest  takes  a  pinch  of  honey  into  his  mouth,  rises  and  takes 
the  large  cone-shaped  pipe  or  cloud  blower  and  lights  it  at  the  fireplace, 
whereupon  the 

Seventh  song  is  commenced,  during  a  part  of  which  the  chief  priest 
blows  smoke  from  the  cloud  blower  over  the  altar  and  especially  into 
the  medicine  bowl.  The  woman  sitting  at  his  right  side  (No.  7) 
shakes  his  shell  rattle. 

A  number  of  songs,  as  nearly  as  I  have  been  able  to  make  out,  eight, 
now  follow,  during  which  nothing  is  done  except  occasional  asperging 
by  the  chief  priest.     Before  the 

Ninth  song  starts  the  chief  priest  steps  behind  the  altar,  the  woman 
at  the  north-west  corner  of  the  altar  (No.  i)1  moving  forward  in  a 
kneeling  position. 

To  her  the  chief  priest  hands  a  stick  which  he  takes  from  the  sand 
ridge  of  the  altar,  swinging  or  moving  it  along  the  cotton  string  road 

1  In  all  the  ceremonies,  that  I  observed,  this  was  Pungnyanomsi,  the  sister  of  Chief  Lolulomai- 
she,  as  well  as  her  older  brother  Shokhungyoma,  is  called  Kik-mungwi  (village  chief)  and  they  are 
said  to  "own  the  houses." 


PL.  VIII. 


A.  Priestess  waiting  in  the  kiva  for  the  return  of  her  companion. 

B.  The  two  priestesses,  who  got  the  water  for  altar  use,  being  discharmed  by 
the  chief  priest. 


x4i 

i                                            ■ 

FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY. 


ANTHROFOLOGY,  PL.  IX. 


PL.   IX. 

A.  Priestesses  around  the  altar. 

B.  The  same.    One  of  the  priestesses  blowing  the  bone  whistle  into  the  medi- 
cine bowl. 


Feb.,  1912.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  23 

on  the  altar  and  over  the  medicine  bowl  towards  her,  whereupon  he 
resumes  his  seat.  The  singing  is  then  resumed,  the  woman  beating 
time  with  one  end  of  the  stick  on  the  floor.  This  stick,  as  well  as  the 
others  in  the  sand  ridge,  is  supposed  to  represent  one  of  the  dead 
members  of  the  order  (as  is  also  the  case  with  similar  sticks  in  other 
ceremonies),  and  it  is  believed  that  the  striking  of  the  floor  announces 
to  the  deceased  members  in  the  nether  world  that  a  ceremony  is  in 
progress. 

At  a  certain  period  of  the  song,  when  the  word  "wawayina"1  occurs, 
she  waves  the  stick  in  a  horizontal  circle  from  right  to  left  and  then 
continues  to  beat  time  on  the  floor.     This  she  does  seven  times.2 

When  the  song  is  over  all  say  thanks,  the  woman  holds  the 
stick  with  one  end  resting  on  the  floor,  and  all  wait  in  silence.  The 
chief  priest  again  steps  behind  the  altar,  takes  the  stick  from  the 
woman,  swings  it  backward  over  the  medicine  bowl  and  along  the 
string  road  towards  himself,  and  replaces  it  and  then  resumes  his 
seat.  After  a  short  silence  he  speaks  a  brief  prayer:  "Pay  hapi  ita 
yep  maksontota;  Owi  itah  maksoni  akvmongwastotini."  "Now  (or 
well!)  we  exert  (or  trouble,  constrain)  ourselves  here.  And  now  our 
exertions  shall  be  consummated,"  to  which  the  others  respond  by  saying, 
anchaa  (be  it  so).  His  assistant  (Navini)  lights  a  pipe  and  the  two 
men  smoke  while  the  women  take  seats  in  different  parts  of  the  kiva. 

The  leaders  fast  on  this  day  until  late  in  the  evening;  the  other 
members  abstain  from  salty  foods  only.  This  same  rule  applies  also 
to  the  second,  third  and  fourth  day. 

Second  Day  (Shush  tala,  First  Day). 

Early  in  the  morning  the  natsi  is  put  up  again,  the  women  make 
their  offering  to  the  dawn,  which  consists  of  a  little  corn-meal  that 
they  sprinkle  towards  the  east  behind  a  rock,  south  of  the  village,  the 
two  leaders  also  waving  their  ears  of  corn  towards  the  east,  whereupon 
all  file  back  to  the  kiva.  The  same  ceremony  then  takes  place  around 
the  altar  as  on  the  previous  evening.3  After  the  morning  meal  a  number 
of  nakwakwosis  are  made  and  deposited,  though  just  how  many  has 
not  been  recorded.     The  chief  priest  and  priestess,  and  the  latter's 

1  Whether  this  is  an  old  form  for  wangwaiyi.call,  beckon;  or  whether  wawayi-na.  call  (the)  father, 
or  waway-ina,  call  my  father,  is  the  correct  etymology  could  not  yet  be  fully  determined. 

1  This  number  seems  to  be  unusual,  six  times,  apparently,  being  the  normal  number.  Why  seven 
times  I  did  not  ascertain.  But  I  have  observed  on  other  occasions  that  certain  rites  were  performed 
seven  times,  where  six  would  have  seemed  the  regular  number.  Where  the  words  are  the  same  in 
each  stanza  it  may  sometimes  be  an  error. 

1  From  my  notes  it  appears,  that  in  all  the  altar  ceremonies  from  this  day,  except  on  the  eighth 
day,  the  making  of  the  meal  lines  on  the  walls  during  the  first  song  and  the  performance  with  the 
makwanpis  and  the  corn-ears  during  the  second  songs  were  dispensed  with. 


24      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

assistant  again  fast  on  this  day,  eating  only  late  in  the  evening.     The 
others  eat  but  discard  all  food  containing  salt  or  salty  substances. 

When  no  ceremonies  are  in  progress  the  three  principal  leaders  are 
occupying  their  usual  seats  in  the  north-west  corner  of  the  kiva,  usually 
observing  deep  silence.  The  other  women  are  scattered  throughout 
the  kiva,  spin  cotton  for  the  prayer  offerings,  gossip  and  sometimes 
practice  the  songs  and  movements  for  the  public  performance  on  the 
last  day. 

Third  Day  (Losh  tala,  Second  Day). 

The  rites  and  ceremonies  of  this  day  are  practically  the  same  as 
on  the  previous  day.  I  find  in  my  notes  for  the  first  time  that  the 
woman  (No.  8)  who,  on  the  first  day,  made  the  four  corn-meal  lines 
on  the  four  kiva  walls,  sprinkled  a  meal  line  from  the  figurine  on  the 
east  side  of  the  altar  towards  the  east  side  of  the  ladder,  also  throwing 
a  pinch  of  meal  up  the  ladder  towards  the  hatch-way.  But  as  this 
was  repeatedly  observed  later  oh  and  is  usually  done  in  connection 
with  women's  ceremonies,  it  can  be  safely  assumed  that  it  was  done 
on  the  two  previous  days  also.  My  notes  of  this  day  also  mention  the 
fact  that  not  all  women  were  barefooted,  and  it  might  be  stated  in 
general  that  women  do  not  seem  to  be  so  scrupulous  about  this  point 
as  the  men.  I  do  not  remember  having  ever  seen  a  man  wearing 
moccasins  during  a  ceremony. 

Fourth  Day  (Bayish  tala,  Third  Day). 

In  the  Marau  Ceremony,  as  in  all  great  Hopi  ceremonies,  the  fourth 
and  the  eighth  day,  besides  the  first,  are  considered  more  important 
than  the  other  days,  although  in  the  Marau  Ceremony  the  difference 
between  these  and  the  second  and  third  day  is  not  as  great  as  in  other 
ceremonies  while  the  contrast  is  very  marked  as  far  as  the  fifth,  sixth 
and  seventh  days  are  concerned. 

During  the  eight  days,  while  the  ceremony  is  in  progress,  the  eight 
women  who  participate  in  the  altar  ceremonies  sleep  in  the  kiva. 
Wickwaya,  the  chief  priest,  who  was  then  about  sixty  years  old,  also 
slept  in  the  kiva.  In  earlier  years  his  mother  (see  Plate  III)  and  later 
his  sister  was  the  chief  priestess.  The  age  of  all  the  women,  participat- 
ing in  these  regular  altar  ceremonies,  ranges  between  about  fifty  and 
seventy  years.  All  sleep  in  their  clothes  when  spending  their  nights 
in  the  kivas.  On  one  occasion  I  noticed  the  assistant  priest,  Navini, 
coming  in  at  about  six  o'clock  to  build  a  fire.  About  fifteen  minutes 
later  all  got  up,  though  the  women  had  been  chatting  and  singing 
for  some  time  already. 


Feb.,  191 2.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  25 

The  following  is  taken  from  my  notes  of  January  22,  1897: 

"After  the  chief  priestess  had  put  up  the  natsi  all  took  their  corn- 
ear  mothers  and  some  corn-meal  and  slowly  filed  out  to  a  small  shrine 
south  of  and  close  to  the  village.  At  one  place  they  stopped,  held 
the  meal  to  their  lips,  dropped  a  part  of  it  on  a  small  shrine  and  sprinkled 
a  small  quantity  towards  the  rising  sun;  they  then  proceeded  a  few 
steps,  lined  up,  held  the  remaining  meal  to  their  lips  and  cast  it  towards 
the  east,  whereupon  they  returned  to  the  kiva,  sprinkled  a  pinch  of 
meal  to  the  altar  and  replaced  their  ears  of  corn  on  the  floor  in  front 
of  the  altar. 

Wickwaya  filled  the  cloud  blower  and  placed  it  on  the  floor  for  use 
later  on.  All  then  arranged  themselves  in  a  semicircle  south  of  the 
altar  as  usual.  Nasingyaonoma  sprinkled  the  meal  line  from  the 
altar  to  the  ladder  and  then  the  same  ceremony  was  gone  through  as 
on  the  morning  of  the  two  preceding  days.  At  the  conclusion  Wickwaya 
and  Navini  each  uttered  the  usual  brief  prayer,  each  woman,  one 
after  the  other,  responding,  "Paitam  ookaoyani"  (we  shall  be  strong, 
or  firm),  the  rest  saying  each  time,  Ow£,  (yes). 

Navini  then  lit  a  pipe  at  the  fireplace,  handed  it  to  Wickwaya, 
who  smoked  at  the  altar.  He  handed  the  pipe  back  to  Navini,  who 
also  smoked  a  few  puffs  from  it  at  the  fireplace.  Hereupon  Wickwaya 
and  the  two  chief  priestesses  resumed  their  places  again  in  the  north- 
west corner  of  the  kiva.  One  woman  went  and  got  four  large,  flat 
trays  with  piki  (the  typical  thin  Hopi  bread),  four  small,  flat  trays 
with  some  white  mush,  and  four  small  bowls  with  what  looked  like  a 
stew  containing  beans.  On  top  of  the  piki  in  each  tray  was  also  a 
small  cake  not  over  one  and  one-quarter  inches  in  diameter.  These 
cakes  the  woman,  who  brought  this  food  in,  placed  on  the  floor  in  front 
of  the  altar,  with  a  pinch  of  each  of  the  other  dishes  of  food. 

All  present  now  commenced  to  prepare  many  prayer  offerings. 
The  chief  priest  made  a  double  baho,  which  was  unusual  from  the  fact 
that  its  color  was  light  blue  instead  of  the  usual  green  color,  and  that  it 
had  a  bright  yellow  band  right  above  the  black  tips.  To  it  he  attached, 
besides  the  two  usual  herbs,  the  corn-husk  packet,  short  turkey  feather 
and  eagle  feather  nakwakwosi,  a  long  piihu  (road).  He  then  painted 
crosswise  two  black  lines  on  the  four  cakes,  that  the  woman  had  placed 
in  front  of  the  altar,  and  put  these,  as  well  as  the  baho,  on  a  tray. 

It  was  utterly  impossible  to  determine  the  exact  number  of  prayer 
offerings  each  man  and  woman  now  made,  of  what  feathers  and  just 
what  disposition  she  made  of  them,  as  all  were  working  at  the  same 
time,  were  not  disposing  of  them  at  the  same  place,  etc.  But  the 
following  details  were  noted:    Most  of  the  women  made  some  puhus 


26      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

and  nakwakwosis,  six  of  eagle  and  six  of  turkey  feathers,  the  number 
of  puhus  and  nakwakwosis  differing  with  the  different  individual. 
Each  woman  handed  a  puhu  to  the  assistant  priestess;  those  who  had 
a  mother  tiponi  (see  explanation  to  Plate  V),  tied  six  nakwakwosis 
to  them,  others  tied  some  to  the  netted  gourd  vessels  and,  I  think, 
all  laid  some  across  the  arms  of  the  figurines;  one  woman  placed  one 
on  the  floor,  near  the  fireplace,  and  those  that  were  not  thus  specially 
disposed  of  were  placed  on  a  tray. 

All  now  squatted  down  around  the  tray;  Wickwaya  handed  to  each 
woman  a  small  quantity  of  sacred  corn-meal,  the  small  gourd  rattle 
to  his  sister,  the  larger  one  to  her  assistant  and  he  took  the  mosilili 
(cone  shell  rattle) ;  the  rest  held  corn-ears  in  their  hands.  After  Wick- 
waya had  spoken  this  brief  prayer:  "Pay  ita  hahlaikahkang  pawasio- 
yani"  (Now,  then,  we  shall  joyfully  observe  this  (go  through  this 
rite)  ),  the  others  responding,  "Anchaa,"  all  sang  the  following  two 
songs,  the  first  of  which  resembles  one  that  I  had  heard  in  the  Powamu 
ceremony: 

First  song. 

i.  To  the  north. 
Haooow  inguuuhui !  O,  my  mother! 

Haooow  haaoo  inguuhihuhui !     Hao,  my  mother ! 
Takurihi  kao,  inguu!  Yellow  corn-ear,  my  mother! 

Itamuhui  pichanywatoyaa,         "  Facedecorate "    us    (decorate    our 

faces) , 
Itamuhui  cinevelatoyate !  "  Blossombless  "  us   (bless   us   with 

blossoms) ! 

2.  To  the  west. 
Is  exactly  the  same  as  the  first,  *only  the  third  line  reads: 
Sakwapuhu  kao,  inguu!         Blue  corn-ear,  my  mother! 

3.  To  the  south. 
The  same,  except  the  third  line  reads: 

Pawalaha  kao,  inguu!  Red  corn-ear,  my  mother! 

4.  To  the  east. 
The  same,  but  the  third  line: 
Qoyawihi  kao,  inguu!  White  corn-ear,  my  mother! 

5.  To  the  north-east  (above). 
The  same,  but  the  third  line: 
Kokomahaha  kao,  inguu!  Black  corn-ear,  my  mother! 


Feb.,  191 2.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  27 

6.  To  the  south-west  (below). 
The  same,  but  the  third  line: 

Tawakchihi  kao,  inguu!         Sweet  corn-ear,  my  mother! 
Haooo  inguuu!  Oh,  my  mother! 

Haooo  mahahaha !  (Meaning  obscure.) 

Second  song. 

1.  To  the  north. 
Hahahaii  (repeated  several  times). 

Hakamu  wul  inguhuhuu !  Why,  where  is  my  mother? 

Takurihi,  kaoo  inguu!  Yellow  corn-ear,  my  mother! 

Hakaoowat  pichangwa!  Someone    (clouds)    decorate    (our) 

faces ! 
Nevelaat  akwaahahahai,  With  blessing  (rain), 

Nuyui  uiny  hihikaaywinatoya,  On  me  have  pity, 
Hao  inguu!  O,  my  mother! 

Haho  inaa!  0,  my  father! 

2.  To  the  west. 

The  same  as  the  first  stanza,  but  the  third  line  is : 

Sakwapuhu,  inguu!  Blue  corn-ear,  my  mother! 

3.  To  the  south. 
The  same,  but  the  third  line  runs: 

Pawala  kaoo,  inguu!  Red  corn-ear,  my  mother! 

4.  To  the  east. 
The  same,  but  the  third 'line  reads: 

Qoyawii  kaoo,  inguu!  White  corn-ear,  my  mother! 

5.  To  the  north-east  (above). 
The  same,  but  the  third  line  reads: 

Kokomaha  kaoo,  inguu!  Black  corn-ear,  my  mother! 

6.  To  the  south-west  (below). 
The  same,  but  the  third  line  is  as  follows: 

Tawakchihi  kaoo,  inguu !       Sweet  corn-ear,  my  mother ! 
Hahahahai ! 

After  the  singing  Wickwaya  again  uttered  the  following  prayer: 
"Pai,  pi,  ita  yep  puu  hakimimuy  nalo  nananiiwo  itanamui,  mumg- 
witui  amongami  yuyuha.     Owi  ita  yep  itah  unangwasi  nanapangwani 


28      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

nap  hakawat  unangwasyag  nalo  nanaiwo  tuikaowak;1  put  akv  puma 
ich  itamui  okwatotowani  yokwani." 

Free  translation. 

"Now,  then,  here  we  array  (decorate),  those  four  different  ones, 
(somewhere  in  the  four  world  quarters),  our  fathers,  the  chiefs  (deities); 
therefore  cooperate  we  here  with  our  offerings.  From  somewhere, 
may,  with  their  help,  the  four  different  ones  (the  deities  of  the  four 
world  quarters)  have  pity  upon  us  quickly,  and  let  it  rain  at  the  right 
time." 

Hereupon  all  got  up,  those  of  the  women  that  had  tied  up  some 
nakwakwosis  in  corn-husks  taking  them  from  the  tray  and  placing  them 
on  the  floor  near  the  altar.  It  was  now  about  ten-thirty  o'clock  in 
the  forenoon. 

Pungnyanomsi  now  took  the  tray  with  the  nakwakwosis  out,  but 
I  did  not  learn  where  she  took  them.  The  women  then  again  made 
many  nakwakwosis  of  turkey  and  eagle  feathers.  Some  again  tied 
some  to  their  tiponi  mothers.  The  rest  of  the  ceremonies  of  this  day 
were  not  observed  on  this  occasion. 

The  above  description  of  the  proceedings  of  this  day  were  taken 
from  my  notes  of  1897.  The  following  is  taken  from  my  notes  of  1901. 
The  two  observations  overlap  each  other  from  the  time  when  the 
participants  prepare  the  first  lot  of  prayer  offerings,  after  the  altar 
ceremony,  until  the  conclusion  of  the  brief  consecration  over  this  lot 
of  offerings,  probably  about  two  hours.  But,  instead  of  compiling 
this  part  of  the  notes,  it  was  thought  best  to  give  each  report  sepa- 
rately, first,  to  avoid  confusion;  secondly,  because  there  are  some  varia- 
tions in  the  ceremonies  of  the  two  years. 

Notes  of  January  12,  1901: 

When  I  arrived  at  the  kiva  in  the  forenoon  all  were  busily  engaged 
in  making  nakwakwosis.  One  woman  tied  one  to  one  of  the  ladder 
beams  as  a  protection  against  falling  from  the  ladder.  One  or  two 
other  men  had  come  in  on  this  day  and  also  placed  a  nakwakwosi  and 
a  pinch  of  meal  on  the  floor  near  the  fireplace.  A  man,  Qomaletstiwa, 
tied  two  roads  and  one  nakwakwosi  to  a  stick  which  he  thrust  behind 
a  joist  of  the  kiva  roof  as  protection  against  accidents.  Other  women 
fastened  some  nakwakwosis  to  their  mother  tiponis  again;  many 
offerings  were  laid  over  the  arms  of  the  two  fetishes. 

The  nakwakwosis  that  were  tied  to  the  "mothers,"  were  all  turkey 
feathers,  those  to  the  fetishes,  both  turkey  and  eagle,  while  to  the 

1  According  to  one  informant  this  word  implies  the  meaning  "  persuade,"  "  urge,"  etc.,  instead  of 
"at  the  right  time,"  in  which  case  the  rendering  would  be:  May  from  somewhere  the  four  deities  be 
persuaded  to  have  pity  upon  us  quickly  and  let  it  rain. 


Feb.,  191 2.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  29 

netted  gourds  eagle  feathers  only  were  tied.  Pungnyanomsi  made 
seven  nakwakwosis.  Wickwaya  then  placed  some  meal  on  a  tray, 
handed  some  to  each  woman,  meal  and  rattle  to  his  sister  and  to  Tal- 
angosi,  picked  up  his  mosilili,  said  a  short  prayer  and  all  then  sang  a 
number  of  songs.  At  the  conclusion  Wickwaya  prayed,  all  said,  "  Ask- 
wali"  (thanks),  and  placed  the  meal,  which  they  had  held  in  their  hands, 
on  a  tray  over  which  Wickwaya  and  Qomaletstiwa  then  smoked. 
Kiwanhoynoma  and  Sikangonsi  tied  some  nakwakwosis  to  the  mother 
tiponis  while  Nasinyanoma  placed  some  on  hers.  After  the  usual 
spurting  of  honey  by  the  singers  Wickwaya  distributed  the  nakwa- 
kwosis from  the  tray  as  follows: 

Those  from  the  north  side  to  (name  not  recorded). 

Those  from  the  west  side  to  Talangosi. 

Those  from  the  south  and  southwest  to  Qomahepnoma. 

Those  from  the  east  side  to  Nasingyanonoma. 

Those  from  the  north-east  side  to  Nakwahungka. 

These  women  deposited  those  prayer  offerings  towards  the  four 
cardinal  points  around  the  village.  Upon  examining  two  of  these 
places  I  found  on  the  west  side  of  the  village  four  turkey  feather  and 
five  eagle  feather  nakwakwosis,  two  cakes,  and  two  turkey  feather 
puhus.  The  places  on  the  north  and  the  east  side  I  did  not  investigate. 
When  I  returned  to  the  kiva  all  sat  on  the  floor  in  an  oblong  circle, 
making  many  nakwakwosis,  mostly  of  turkey  feathers,  for  their  de- 
parted parents,  children  and  other  relatives.  All  were  very  solemn. 
These  offerings  are  carried  out  later  in  the  day  and  the  Hopi  believe 
that  the  dead  tie  them  to  a  string  around  their  head  so  that  they  hang 
down  before  their  faces. 

These  offerings  were  all  placed  in  a  large  tray,  which  was  set  on  the 
floor  in  front  of  the  altar.  The  usual  consecration  singing  ceremony 
then  took  place.  After  a  short  recess  the  women  went  to  their  houses 
to  get  food  for  the  evening  meal.  Qotchnomsi  and  her  assistant  placed 
a  large  bowl  on  the  elevated  part  of  the  floor  west  of  the  ladder  and 
the  first  knelt  on  the  north,  the  latter  on  the  south  side  of  the  bowl. 
Each  woman  that  brought  in  some  food  threw  a  little  pinch  of  each 
dish  into  the  bowl.  When  all  had  brought  in  their  food  they  arranged 
themselves  on  the  east  side  of  the  deeper  portion  of  the  kiva  and  waited 
in  silence.  Wickwaya  took  his  mosilili  and  the  tray  with  the  nakwa- 
kwosis to  the  two  women  and  handed  a  piece  of  a  herb  to  his  sister  who 
threw  it  into  the  bowl.  All  the  other  women  arranged  themselves 
around  their  food  bowls  and  trays,  which  they  had  placed  on  the  floor 
in  the  deeper  portion  of  the  kiva.  Wickwaya  now  commenced  to  sing 
and  to  shake  his  rattle.     The  two  women  added  corn-meal  to  the 


30      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

contents  of  the  food  bowl  and  kneaded  the  entire  contents  of  the  bowl 
into  a  dough,  of  which  they  formed  balls  that  they  put  on  the  tray 
containing  all  the  nakwakwosis  which  the  women  had  made  for  the 
dead.  The  other  women  accompanied  the  rattling  with  singing,  at 
the  same  time  moving  their  hands  upwards  and  downwards  and  side- 
ways, and  slowly  stepping  sideways  in  the  same  manner  as  on  the  last 
day  in  the  public  dance,  when,  however,  they  hold  in  their  hands  the 
large  marau-vahos.1  Wickwaya  then  distributed  the  balls  with  some 
meal  to  four  women,  one  of  whom  went  to  the  north,  the  second  to  the 
west,  the  third  to  the  south  and  the  fourth  to  the  east  side  of  the  village, 
and  from  there  described,  in  a  running  gate,  a  quarter  circle  around 
the  village,  throwing  away  the  balls  as  food  and  the  nakwakwosis  as 
an  offering  to  the  dead  and  stopping  at  the  place  where  the  next  woman 
had  started.  Upon  their  return  they  all  ate  supper  in  the  kiva,  and 
then  spent  the  evening  partly  in  the  kiva,  partly  in  their  homes.  While 
Wickwaya  distributed  the  balls  to  the  women  the  chief  priestess  and 
her  assistant,  who  had  prepared  the  balls,  retired  to  the  north  side  of 
the  altar,  where  they  went  through  the  often  observed  purification 
process  of  vomiting.  It  was  not  noticed  that  they  had  previously 
taken  an  emetic,  but  very  likely  they  had.  Three  more  women  and 
one  man,  Lomalehtiwa,  had  come  in.  The  latter  tended  to  the  fire 
at  the  fireplace.  Among  the  first  was  also  the  wife  of  Homihoiniwa, 
Wickwaya 's  half-brother,  who  was  to  play  a  conspicuous  part  in  the 
public  summer  ceremonies  of  the  last  day,  acting  as  the  Rabbit  Woman. 
Most  of  the  time  from  the  evening  meal  until  midnight  was  spent  in 
conversation,  practicing  of  songs,  etc. 

Fifth  Day  (Nalosh  tala,  Fourth  Day). 

Notes  of  January  13,  1901. —  The  men  and  women  participating 
in  the  ceremony  were  up  all  night  between  the  fourth  and  fifth  day. 
So  the  description  of  this  day's  proceedings  begins  with  twelve  o'clock 
of  this  night.  Soon  after  midnight  the  women  arranged  themselves 
in  an  oblong  circle  in  the  deeper  portion  of  the  kiva  and  for  nearly  an 
hour  practiced  singing  and  the  proper  moving  and  swinging  of  their 
arms  to  the  time  of  the  singing,  for  the  public  performances.  Each 
one  held  in  one  hand  a  white  ear  of  corn,  which  they  call  "mother." 
The  three  leaders  were,  during  this  time,  sitting  silently  at  their  usual 
places. 

At  about  two  o'clock  a.  m.  two  more  men,  Qoyawaima  and  Tangak- 

1  When  the  word  baho  (prayer  stick)  is  used  as  part  of  compound  words,  the  b  changes  to  v,  as 
in  sakwa-vaho  (green  baho)  puts-vaho  (flat  or  wide  baho) ,  etc. 


Feb.,  1912.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  31 

hungniwa,  both  of  whom,  I  believe,  belong  to  the  Honani  clan,  were 
called  to  act  as  guards  outside  of  the  kiva.  In  the  kiva  the  usual 
singing  ceremony  at  the  altar  took  place  again.  Each  woman  beat 
time  with  an  ear  of  corn.  When  they  were  through  each  one  said 
again:  "Pai  itam  ookaoyani"  (We  shall  be  firm,  (steadfast)  )  and 
then  sprinkled  meal  on  the  altar.  Hereupon  they  all  arose,  and  each 
one  rolled  her  ear  of  corn  into  her  blanket,  bringing  one  end  of  the 
rolled-up  blanket  over  her  right,  the  other  end  under  her  left  shoulder, 
tying  the  two  ends  in  front. 

Every  woman  now  took  some  loose  object  from  the  altar  and  all 
then  walked  slowly  around  the  altar.  Wickwaya  pulled  out  the  short 
sticks  from  the  sand  ridge,  one  after  the  other,  and  thrust  one  behind 
the  rolled^up  blanket  on  the  back  of  each  woman  when  they  passed 
him  the  first  time.  These  sticks  are  said  to  represent  the  dead  members 
of  the  Marau  order.1  While  they  made  the  second,  third  and  fourth 
round  he  dismantled  what  was  left  of  the  altar. 

While  all  this  was  going  on  the  chief  priestess  was  standing  in  her 
corner,  holding  in  her  hand  the  tiponi,  which  is  probably  the  most 
sacred  object  among  the  altar  paraphernalia.  Her  assistant  had  a 
netted  gourd  vessel.  Pungnyanomsi  took  the  tray  with  the  sacred 
meal  and  her  gourd  vessel.  When  the  women  had  made  the  circuit 
the  fourth  time,  the  last  named  woman  went  up  the  ladder,  the  other 
women  following  her,  the  chief  priestess  being  the  last  woman  in  the 
line.  Wickwaya  followed  his  sister,  closing  up  the  file.  All  chanted 
while  they  filed  out.  Pungnyanomsi  took  a  seat  on  the  south  end  of 
the  hatch- way,  outside,  and  gave  to  each  woman  a  pinch  of  meal  from 
the  tray,  which  the  women  sprinkled  on  a  puhu  feather  which  was 
lying  on  the  south  side  of  the  kiva  pointing  towards  the  east.  They 
then  went  to  the  north  end  of  the  hatch-way,  where  they  waited  until 
all  were  through.  Pungnyanomsi  then  entered  the  kiva  again  and 
the  rest  followed.  Here  they  placed  the  objects,  which  they  had  held 
in  their  hands,  on  the  floor  and  then  a  general  conversation  took  place 
by  the  women,  the  men  sitting  at  the  fireplace  and  smoking.  Shortly 
before  sunrise  bowls  were  brought  in,  suds  of  the  roots  of  yucca  pre- 
pared; and  then  the  usual  headwashing,  which  forms  a  part  of  almost 
all  ceremonies,  took  place.  Usually  one  washes  the  head  of  another. 
Wickwaya 's  sister  washed  his  head.  If  any  have  "brought  in"  for 
initiation  new  candidates  they  wash  the  head  of  their  novices  and 
give  them  a  new  name  on  these  occasions,  though  my  notes  do  not 
mention  any  initiation  during  these  winter  Marau  ceremonies.    Whether 

1  The  same  explanation  was  given  me  once  with  regard  to  the  sticks  on  the  Antelope  altar  in 
The  Snake  Ceremony. 


32      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

there  happened  to  be  none  or  whether  initiations  are  not  made  during 
the  winter  ceremonies  I  did  not  ascertain. 

Nothing  of  importance  occurred  from  now  until  after  the  noon 
meal,  in  fact  no  further  regular  ceremonies  took  place  on  this  day. 
The  women  conversed,  went  back  and  forth  between  the  kiva  and  their 
homes  and  some  were  sleeping  on  the  floor.  After  breakfast  Wickwaya 
got  some  firewood  from  the  valley.  Navini  was  not  there  at  all.  The 
altar  was  completely  dismantled,  the  paraphernalia  lying  on  the  floor 
(see  Plate  X,  a). 

In  the  afternoon  the  women  assembled  again  to  arrange  and  practice 
for  a  public  performance  on  the  plaza  at  about  sundown.  It  was  soon 
to  be  noticed  that  the  performance  was  to  be  of  a  comical  nature. 
The  women  were  attired  in  all  kinds  of  ludicrous  costumes.  The  chief 
priestess,  for  instance,  had  donned  a  man's  overcoat  and  hat;  two  wore 
men's  blankets,  held  in  their  place  with  men's  silver  belts,  and  had  on 
men's  hats;  one  was  wrapped  in  a  Navaho  blanket,  wearing  an  old 
soldier  cap.  A  fifth  one  had  a  blue  American  blanket  wrapped  around 
herself;  on  her  head  she  had  an  old,  big,  man's  straw  hat  with  two 
eagle  feathers  in  it;  a  sixth  one  had  put  on  a  man's  shirt,  and  the  rest 
were  similarly  attired.     Some  had  corn-husks  tied  to  their  hair. 

The  songs  were  evidently  composed  right  there;  each  one  referred 
to  some  man  of  the  village  in  a  humorous  way,  of  course.  This  is 
called  tao-somngwu,  a  word  difficult  to  translate.  A  literal  transla- 
tion would  be  "song-tie";  meaning  to  bind,  compel  or  obligate  by  a 
song.  The  man  about  whom  the  song  is  sung  on  the  plaza  is  bound  in 
honor  to  make  some  presents  to  the  order.  It  is  surprising  how  quickly 
the  women  get  a  song  ready,  though  there  may  be  some  question  as  to 
its  poetical  value. 

Towards  sundown  the  women  emerged  from  the  kiva.  Those 
outside  sang  until  all  had  come  out.  They  then  proceeded  to  the  plaza, 
the  one  at  the  head  of  the  line  beating  a  small  drum.  Some  had  long 
sticks  with  feathers  attached  to  them.  At  the  plaza  they  performed 
various  dances.  Sometimes  two  danced,  sometimes  more.  Their 
performances  and  singing  caused  a  great  deal  of  hilarity  among  the 
spectators  that  line  the  house-tops,  steps  and  copings,  especially  when> 
the  names  of  the  men  are  mentioned  that  are  being  "song-tied." 
The  names  are  generally  mentioned  in  a  humorous  way,  reference 
being  made  to  some  real  or  imagined  peculiarity  of  the  man,  a  long  nose, 
curly  hair  (though  it  be  only  slightly  wavy),  etc.  Occasionally  the 
reference  is  of  a  phallic  or  even  of  an  obscene  nature.  The  performance 
probably  lasts  about  an  hour,  when  the  women  return  to  the  kiva 
commenting  on  and  laughing  over  their  achievements.     Nothing  more 


PL.  X. 

A.  The  altar  dismantled. 

B.  The  chief  priest  smoking  over  prayer  offerings. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  X. 


Feb.,  1912.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  33 

of  importance  takes  place  on  this  day.     There  is  no  fasting  on  this 
j  and  the  succeeding  four  days. 

Sixth  Day  (Shush  tala,  First  Day). 
Komok-totokya  (wood  preparing). 
Xo  ceremonies  of  any  kind  take  place  in  the  kiva,  but  in  the  after- 
noon the  women  again  prepare  and  practice  for  a  performance  on  the 
plaza  in  the  evening.  These  performances  vary  in  the  different  years. 
Sometimes  they  are  of  the  nature  described  under  the  fifth  day,  some- 
times they  are  to  imitate,  in  a  burlesque  manner,  a  Katcina  dance.  But 
they  are  always  of  a  humorous  nature. 

Seventh  Day  (Losh  tala,  Second  Day). 
Pik-totokya  (piki  preparing). 
The  notes  on  the  previous  day  also  apply  to  this  day.  On  one 
occasion  a  mock  Momchito  dance  was  performed  in  the  evening  on  the 
plaza.  The  men  never  take  part  in  these  performances  on  the  fifth, 
sixth  and  seventh  days.  They  seem  to  be  performed  for  entertainment 
and  fun  for  the  inhabitants  of  the  village,  and  do  not  now  seem  to  be 
considered  an  essential  part  of  the  ceremony  proper,  though  this  was 
undoubtedly  formerly  the  case. 

Eighth  Day  (Bayish  tala,  Third  Day). 
Totokya  (general  preparing). 

The  early  morning  rites,  putting  up  of  the  natsi,  the  offerings  out- 
side of  the  village,  etc.,  are  the  same  as  on  the  previous  days.  The 
chief  priest  then  makes  four  green  double  bahos  of  the  usual  kind,  two 
single  black  bahos  (chochokpi)  and  one  larger  baho,  with  two  eagle 
nakwakwosis  attached  to  it,  one  for  the  sun,  one  for  the  moon,  all  of 
which  are  deposited  later  (see  Plate  XXX).  The  reconstruction  of 
the  altar  then  takes  place  in  the  description  of  which  I  follow  my 
notes  of  1897: 

At  about  10:30  a.  m.  Navini  got  some  fresh,  moist  and  some  dry  sand, 
and  Wickwaya  divided  this  into  three  piles  in  a  semicircle,  and  then 
formed  the  sand  ridge.  He  then  reconstructed  the  altar  (see  Plate  V 
and  Plate  X,  b).  First  he  sprinkled  some  meal  on  the  ridge  at  the 
four  places  where  he  afterwards  inserted  the  four  corn-ear  slabs,  first 
slightly  west  of  the  centre,  then  near  the  west  end  of  the  ridge,  then 
east  of  the  middle  and  lastly  near  the  east  end.  He  then  put  into  the 
sand  ridge  the  four  big  slabs  in  the  same  order,  waving  each  one  first 
from  the  direction  of  the  six  world  quarters,  north,  west,  south,  east, 
north-east  (above)  and  south-west  (below).     Next  he  sprinkled  meal 


34      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

all  over  the  ridge  and  fine  dry  sand  in  front  of  it.  On  this  he  sprinkled 
a  cloud  symbol  with  powdered  black  shale  (tohu).  Next  he  sprinkled 
six  short  meal  lines  from  the  six  ceremonial  points,  all  terminating  in  a 
common  centre,  at  the  east  end  of  the  sand  ridge.  On  these  he  poured 
a  small  pile  of  dry  sand  into  which  he  inserted  one  of  the  Marau-Manas 
(figurines).  He  then  did  the  same  at  the  west  end  of  the  ridge  where 
he  placed  the  other  figurine.  He  then  replaced  the  nakwakwosis  that 
were  on  the  arms  of  the  figurines  before  the  altar  was  dismantled. 
Next  he  put  the  five  cone-shaped,  flat  cloud  blocks  behind  the  altar 
ridge  and  the  two  blossom  blocks  and  the  three  frogs  in  front  of  it. 
This  he  followed  by  placing  the  crystal  tiponi  (tukwi)  into  a  small 
sand  pile.  Hereupon  he  again  sprinkled  six  short  meal  lines  on  the 
floor  from  the  six  directions  in  front  of  the  altar,  and  placed  upon  these 
the  medicine  bowl,  six  corn-ears,  makwanpis,  etc.  He  then  laid  the 
double  sticks  with  the  grass  wheels  into  the  arms  of  the  figurines,1 
and  then  thrust  the  crooks  into  the  sand  ridge  near  the  baho  slab  on 
the  west  side.  From  this  he  sprinkled  a  line  of  corn-pollen  across  the 
sand  field  towards  the  south-east,  then  thrust  the  double  green  baho 
with  the  long  string  (road)  into  the  ridge  near  the  crook,  laying  the 
string  along  the  line  of  corn-pollen.  Hereupon  he  sprinkled  the  usual 
six  radiating  meal  lines  on  the  floor  again  near  the  baho  and  placed 
his  tiponi  in  the  centre  and  then  sprinkled  meal  along  the  string  road. 
Finally  he  laid  two,  slightly  bent,  sticks,  called  bows  and  a  weeding 
instrument  on  the  floor  on  the  west  and  two  similar  bow  sticks  and  an 
old  wooden  weeding  implement  on  the  east  side  of  the  altar.  Here- 
upon he  and  Navini  smoked  a  while'. 

Wickwaya  then  prepared  for  the  two  women,  that  were  to  get  the 
water  from  the  spring  for  the  ceremony,  the  following  objects:  One 
nakwakwosi  of  a  small  eagle  feather  that  was  to  be  worn  in  the  hair 
and  is  called  nakwa  (wish,  prayer) ;  four  nakwakwosis  and  one  road, 
also  of  eagle  feathers,  to  be  deposited  as  an  offering  at  the  spring; 
also  two  single  black  and  two  double  green  bahos. 

When  the  altar  is  completed,  the  men  smoke,  the  women  practice 
singing  for  some  time,2  and  soon  get  the  food  for  the  noon  meal.  On 
this  day,  usually  some  more  women  come  in.  The  noon  meal  is  eaten 
in  the  kiva  as  usual.  Wickwaya  explained  to  me  that  the  objects  on 
the  altar  were  owned  and  controlled  by  the  following  participants: 

1  These  sticks  are  called  noyawopkoho,  the  meaning  of  which  my  notes  do  not  give.  The  grass 
is  called  mumura.  Wickwaya  says,  in  every  summer  ceremony,  one  of  these  wheels  is  deposited  and 
a  new  one  made.  Two  are  plaited,  one  wound  with  cotton  twine.  All  have  a  duck  feather  nakwak- 
wosi tied  to  them. 

2  There  is  an  interval  here  of  a  few  hours  that  has  never  been  observed.  Whether  the  women 
again  made  prayer  offerings  I  do  not  know,  but  believe  that  such  was  not  the  case. 


PL.   XI. 


A  line  of  Anga-Katcinas  before  their  departure  from  the  plaza.     To  the  right 
several  priests  who  are  handing  them  prayer  offerings. 


Feb.,  1912.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  35 

The  medicine  bowl,  the  liquid  and  the  herbs  (tuvipsi  and  tukamsi)  by 
No.  8;  the  corn-ears,  the  little  stones  by  the  side  of  the  corn-ears,  and 
one  tiponi  mother  by  No.  3 ;  one  gourd  vessel  by  his  mother;  one  mother 
tiponi  by  No.  9;  a  mother  tiponi  and  one  gourd  vessel  by  No.  7;  the 
six  old  makwanpis  and  the  crystal  tiponis  by  Wickwaya;  a  gourd 
vessel  by  No.  1 ;  the  tiponi  by  No.  4  (chief  priestess).  The  old  weeding 
implement  and  the  bow  on  the  east  side  of  the  altar  by  No.  10;  the 
implement  and  bow  on  the  west  side  by  No.  2,  the  sand  by  Wickwaya 
and  his  sister. 

Soon  after  the  noon  meal  two  women  get  water  again  in  their  netted 
gourd  vessels,  taking  with  them  the  prayer  offerings  prepared  by  Wick- 
waya, and  are  discharmed  by  the  chief  priest  all  in  the  same  manner  as 
on  the  first  day,  (see  notes  of  that  day.)  After  they  have  returned, 
the  ten  participants  in  the  ceremonies  squat  down  around  the  altar 
again,  the  other  women  who  have  come  in  on  this  day,  taking  seats  on 
the  floor  behind  them;  then  the  same  ceremony  is  gone  through  as  on 
the  afternoon  of  the  first  day.  A  full  description  of  the  ceremony  is 
given  under  that  day. 

After  the  ceremony  food  is  brought  into  the  kiva,  and  a  number 
of  members,  who  have  been  in  the  kiva  on  this  day  only,  join  the  others 
in  the  evening  meal.  After  the  meal  most  of  the  women  usually  go 
home;  the  men  smoke.  Just  when  the  altar  is  dismantled,  my  notes 
do  not  state,  but  my  recollection  is  that  it  is  done  after  the  men  are 
through  smoking. 

In  the  evening  various  dances  take  place  by  many  different  Kat- 
cinas1  in  several  kivas  until  late. 

I  noticed,  among  other  Katcinas,  the  following:  Tasap,  Owak, 
Marau,  Koyemsi,  Soyohim,  Shaalako,  Tcakwaina,  Kohonino,  and 
others.  On  another  occasion  I  noticed  on  this  evening  the  follow- 
ing: Balhikv-Mana,  Anga,  Tasap,  Hehea  Tahaamu  and  Tuvik,  Anga- 
Katcinas.  But  the  kind  of  Katcinas  that  appear  on  this  day  vary  in* 
the  different  years  so  that  with  every  ceremony  at  least  most  of  the 
Katcinas,  that  perform  on  this  night,  are  different  from  those  that 
appeared  in  the  preceding  ceremony. 

Ninth  Day  (Nalosh  tala,  Fourth  Day). 

On  this  day  no  ceremonies  of  any  kind  take  place,  the  altar  being 
taken  out  and  put  away  in  the  ancestral  home  of  the  Lizard  clan  during 
the  night  before,  while  the  people  are  still  sleeping,  so  that  no  uninitiated 

1  Masked  Hopi,  wearing  various  costumes  and  masks,  and  representing  semi-deities,  according  to 
Hopi  belief,  probably  ancestors  of  the  Hopi,  who  are  supposed  to  act  as  intermediaries  between  the 
Hopi  and  their  various  deities.  The  meaning  of  Katcina  (from  katci,  life  and  naa  father  (?)  may  be: 
the  immortals,  living  fathers  or  ancestors.     The  Hopi  have  hundreds  of  different  Katcinas. 


36      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

eye  should  behold  it.  This  day  is  a  day  for  public  performances  and 
really  belongs  to  the  people.  The  connection  between  the  Marau 
ceremony  and  the  performances  of  this  day  seems  to  be  somewhat 
obscure,  as  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  learn.  It  may  be,  that  certain 
prayer  offerings,  made  on  the  eighth  day,  are  deposited  by  the  parti- 
cipants in  the  ceremony  early  this  morning  or  handed  to  the  Katcinas 
that  appear  on  this  day.  This  point,  however,  needs  further  in- 
vestigations. In  the  Summer  Marau  ceremony  this  connection  be- 
tween the  ninth  and  the  preceding  days  is  much  more  apparent,  as 
will  be  described  in  the  second  part  of  this  paper.  On  this  day  of 
the  winter  ceremony  a  series  of  Katcina  dances  takes  place  on  the 
public  plaza,  viewed  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  village  and  visitors 
from  other  villages.  But  while  on  the  previous  evening  many  different 
Katcinas  appeared,  only  one  kind  dances  on  this  day,  performing  about 
eight  dances  during  the  day.  On  one  occasion  it  was  the  Hopi  Anga- 
Katcina,  one  of  the  different  kinds  of  the  Anga- (Loose-Hair)  Katcina 
(see  Plate  XI).  The  name  is  derived  from  the  fact  that  the  Katcinas 
wear  their  hair  loose,  hanging  down  the  back.  The  mask,  a  face  mask 
only,  is  painted  green  with  a  border  below,  the  decoration  of  which 
varies  in  the  different  kinds  of  this  Katcina.  To  the  border  is  attached 
a  long,  black  beard.  The  body  decoration,  the  objects  held  in  the 
hands,  etc.,  also  vary  in  the  different  kinds  of  Anga-Katcinas.  In 
the  case  of  the  Hopi  Anga-Katcina  the  border  is  divided  into  small 
squares  painted  in  different  colors.  The  body  is  also  decorated  in 
different  colors,  and  unlike  other  Anga-Katcinas,  this  one  wears  mocas- 
sins. In  the  ceremony  of  1901  the  Balhikv-Mana  danced  on  this  day. 
This  personage  was  introduced  in  Oraibi  from  Mishongnovi  where  the 
women  occasionally  appear  as  Balhikv-Manas  in  a  dance,  but  without 
masks  (see  Plate  XII).  The  name  is  derived  from  bahu-(water) 
hikwani  (drink),  and  mana  (maiden),  because  the  dancers  drink  a 
certain  liquid  on  these  occasions.  The  typical  feature  is  a  large  head 
tablet  similar  to  those  worn  by  the  Shaalakos.  They  also  wear  the 
atoe,  white  ceremonial  blanket.  In  the  other  villages,  however,  these 
Manas  appear  as  Katcinas,  i.  e.,  as  men,  wearing  masks  and  Katcina 
costume.  And  it  was  these  Katcinas  that  appeared  and  performed 
dances  on  this  da  v. 


PL.   XII. 


A.  Balhikv-Manas  on  the  plaza  and  their  leader. 

B.  The  same,  showing  the  sun  symbols  worn  on  their  backs. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  XII. 

A 


THE   ORAIBI   MARAU    CEREMONY 

SECOND    PART 

THE    SUMMER   CEREMONY 


CONTENTS. 


SECOND   PART. 

Page 

Introduction 41 

Baholawu  or  Introductory  ceremony 43 

The  ceremonies  in  the  kiva 43 

First  Day -----  43 

Second  Day   .  -  48 

Third  Day 50 

Fourth  Day 50 

Fifth  Day 55 

Sixth  Day 57 

Seventh  Day 57 

Eighth  Day 57 

Ninth  Day 64 

Songs  chanted  in  the  altar  ceremonies 69 


PL.  XIII.    The  Maru  Altar  of  the  Winter  Ceremony. 

The  larger  figurines  are  usually  called  Marau-Taka  (Marau-Man),  the  smaller 
Marau-Mana  (Marau- Maiden).  The  first  are  put  up  in  the  winter  ceremony  only. 
The  two  pyramid-shaped  objects  on  each  side  of  the  altar  are  prepared  on  the 
eighth  day  and  worn  by  the  two  Archers  and  two  Lancers  in  the  public  performance 
on  the  last  day.  The  cone,  in  front  of  the  right  side  figurines,  is  the  ka6-tukwi 
described  in  the  text.     (Compare  also  explanation  to  PL  X.) 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  Summer  Marau  Ceremony  is,  in  its  essential  features,  the  same 
as  the  winter  ceremony,  which  is  described  in  the  first  part  of  this 
paper.  It  takes  place  in  the  same  kiva,  is  performed  by  the  same 
order,  the  same  personnel  and  in  the  same  general  manner  as  the  winter 
ceremony.  But  although  it  is  essentially  the  same  ceremony  there 
are  some  marked  variations.  On  the  altar  of  the  winter  performance 
there  are  only  two  small  figurines;  on  that  of  the  summer  ceremony 
two  more,  larger  ones  (see  Plate  XIII).  Initiations  of  new  members 
usually  take  place  in  the  summer  ceremony.  On  the  last  day  of  the 
latter  the  participants  have  elaborate  public  performances  on  the 
plaza  which  is  not  the  case  in  the  winter  observance.  It  might  be  men- 
tioned here,  that  with  other  societies,  such  as  the  Snake,  Flute,  Lagon, 
etc.,  the  summer  or  fall  ceremonies  are  also  more  elaborate  than  their 
winter  performances. 

The  investigations  of  this  ceremony  are  not  quite  complete,  and, 
as  intimated  in  the  Introduction  to  the  First  Part  of  this  paper,  it 
was  for  this  reason  that  their  publication  was  deferred.  It  was  hoped 
that  another  opportunity  would  offer  itself  to  fill  up  small  gaps  and 
corroborate  certain  observations.  This  has  not  been  the  case.  And 
as  the  chief  features  of  the  ceremony  have  all  been  observed,  a  number 
of  them  several  times,  and  owing  to  the  turn  events  have  taken  in 
Oraibi  lately,  which  makes  the  possibility  of  more  complete  studies  of 
these  ceremonies  in  the  future  highly  improbable,  it  has  been  thought 
best  to  publish  what  we  have. 

The  observations  on  which  this  description  is  based  were  made  in 
the  years  1893,  1895,  1897,  1901  and  1903.  They  always  took  place 
in  the  month  of  September;  in  1893  from  the  4th  to  the  12th,  in  1895 
from  the  15th  to  the  23d,  in  1897  from  the  10th  to  the  18th  and  in  1901 
from  the  20th  to  the  28th.  In  1893  the  public  performances  on  the 
ninth  day  only  were  observed,  as  I  had  then  only  been  there  about  six 
months.  In  that  and  the  1895  ceremony  Wickwaya's  aged  mother 
acted  as  chief  priestess;  in  the  others  her  daughter.  The  observations 
in  1903  were  also  only  confined  almost  exclusively  to  the  last  two 
days.  In  this  year  Wickwaya's  half  brother  Homihoiniwa  acted  for 
the  first  time  as  chief  priest  (see  Plate  XIV,  a),  the  former  chief  Wick- 
waya  also  being  present  occasionally  and  assisting  him. 


THE  ORAIBI  MARAU  CEREMONY 


Second  Part 
THE   SUMMER   CEREMONY 

i.  Baholawu,  or  Introductory  Ceremony. 

This  brief  ceremony  was  observed  only  once  in  September,  1901, 
and  only  brief  notes  were  made.  It  took  place  in  the  forenoon.  The 
chief  priest,  Wickwaya,  his  sister  and  a  few  other  women  assembled  in 
the  Marau  kiva.  Wickwaya  made  six  double  green  and  six  single 
black  prayer  sticks  (bahos),  and  six  nakwakwosis.  These  were  made, 
as  far  as  I  could  ascertain,  for  the  deities  of  the  six  world  quarters, 
north,  west,  south,  east,  above  and  below.  He  furthermore  prepared 
one  baho  for  the  sun  and  two  for  Sotukvnangwuu  (Deity  of  Thunder), 
the  latter  being  deposited  in  the  same  shrine  with  the  sun  baho. 

The  women,  as  far  as  I  could  learn,  prepared  a  nakwakwosi  for 
each  world  quarter  and  one,  each,  for  the  sun  and  the  moon.  These 
prayer  offerings  were  placed  on  a  tray,  some  prayer-meal  sprinkled 
on  them  and  then  two  songs  were  chanted  over  the  tray.  After  this 
Wickwaya  solemnly  smoked  by  the  side  of  the  tray,  blowing  the  smoke 
on  the  prayer  offerings  which  were,  hereupon,  deposited  at  different 
places  around  the  village. 

2.  The  Ceremonies  in  the  Kiva. 

First  Day  (Shush  ka  himuu,  once  not  anything). 

Early  in  the  morning  of  this  day  the  natsi  or  standard  of  the  society 
is  placed  at  the  south  end  of  the  kiva  entrance  (see  Plate  IV,  a).  The 
altar  paraphernalia  are  brought  into  the  kiva  from  the  house  in  which 
they  are  kept,  some  time  after  sunrise  and  a  pinch  of  meal  sprinkled 
on  them.  The  assistant  chief,  Navini,  gets  the  necessary  sand  for  the 
altar  ridge  and  places  it  on  the  floor  in  the  north  end  of  the  kiva.  Soon 
the  eight  women,  who  are  to  participate  in  the  altar  ceremonies  as 
leaders  from  day  to  day,  begin  to  come  into  the  kiva,  bringing  with 
them  a  white  ear  of  corn  which  they  call  their  "mother."  The  chief 
priestess  and  her  assistant  have  tied  to  their  hair,  on  top  of  the  head, 

43 


44      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XL 

a  nakwa,  consisting  of  two  small  sparrow  hawk  feathers  tied  together 
at  the  quill  end,  which  I  think  is  made  by  the  chief  priest  Wickwaya. 
All  make  some  prayer  offerings  which  are  placed  into  a  tray,  some  sacred 
meal  put  on  them,  a  small  quantity  of  corn-pollen  sprinkled  into  the 
centre  of  the  tray  by  Wickwaya  and  some  meal  by  his  sister,  the  chief 
priestess.  Wickwaya  takes  a  shell  rattle,  hands  to  his  sister  and  her 
assistant  a  gourd  rattle  and  some  meal  and,  after  a  brief  silence,  utters 
a  short  prayer.  All  then  sing  two  songs  over  the  tray,  whereupon  he 
again  says  a  prayer  and  all  sprinkle  meal  on  the  tray.  Navini,  the 
assistant,  hands  him  a  lighted  pipe  from  which  he  smokes  over  the 
tray,  whereupon  he  spurts  some  honey  on  the  tray,  handing  the  pipe 
to  Navini.  The  latter  then  also  smokes,  but  near  the  fireplace;  when 
he  is  through  he  takes  a  pinch  of  honey  into  his  mouth  and  also  spurts 
it  on  the  prayer  offerings.  The  chief  priest  then  hands  the  nakwa- 
kwosis  to  four  women  who  deposit  them,  with  a  little  meal,  on  the  north, 
west,  south  and  east  sides  of  a  quarter  to  a  half  mile  from  the  village. 
Upon  their  return  to  the  kiva  they  are  greeted  with  thanks  by  all 
present.  On  one  occasion  I  noticed  at  this  juncture,  that  the  women, 
who  return  last  from  this  errand,  and  one  other,  who  has  in  the  mean- 
time come  into  the  kiva,  stroked  and  massaged  the  back  and  limbs  of 
Wickwaya,  his  sister  and  her  assistant.  This  is  done  several  times 
during  the  nine  ceremonial  days. 

The  chief  priestess  and  her  assistant  now  sit  down  on  folded  blankets 
in  the  north-west  corner  of  the  kiva  where  they,  as  well  as  the  chief 
priest,  usually  sit  silently  throughout  the  nine  days,  when  not  engaged 
in  ceremonial  duties. 

While  other  women  are  coming  in  and  the  assistant  priest  occupies 
his  time  with  such  work  as  carding  and  spinning  cotton  for  prayer 
offerings,  smoking,  etc.,  the  chief  priest  puts  up  the  altar.  On  one 
occasion  he  observed  the  following  order  in  putting  up  the  different 
parts:  i,  the  sand-ridge;  2,  a  pinch  of  meal  on  the  ridge  at  the  five 
places  where  the  five  slabs  are  to  be  inserted;  3,  inserting  of  a  slab 
near  the  centre,  then  the  one  on  the  west  end  of  the  ridge,  then  the  one 
on  the  east  end  and  finally  the  one  between  the  last  named  and  the 
centre  slab;  4,  inserting  of  the  zigzag  and  last  of  the  small  sticks;  5, 
the  two  crooks;  6,  meal  all  over  the  ridge;  7,  a  thin  layer  of  fine  sand 
in  front  of  the  ridge;  and  the  black  cloud  symbol  on  it;  8,  the  two  large 
idols,  then  the  two  smaller  ones;  9,  the  small  cloud  and  frog  and  blossom 
symbols  on  each  side  of  the  ridge;  10,  the  medicine  bowl  corn-ears, 
etc.,  around  it.  A  few  other  details,  for  instance  the  inserting  of  the 
green  bahos  in  the  sand-ridge,  were  not  noted  down.  The  baho  with 
the  long  string,  (road),  he  made  and  placed  on  the  altar  after  the 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  XIV. 


PL.  XIV. 

A.  Homihoiniwa,  chief  priest,  succeeding  Wickwaya. 

B.  Wickwaya  repainting  the  idols. 


Feb.,  1912.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  45 

latter  was  completed.  On  one  occasion  the  chief  priest  repainted  the 
figurines  (see  Plate  XIV,  b),  as  the  old  paint  was  very  much  worn.  I 
was  surprised,  when  he  painted  the  four  semicircular  cloud  symbols 
on  the  bodies  different  from  what  they  were  before.  They  had  before 
the  colors  of  the  four  cardinal  points,  yellow  for  the  north,  green  for 
the  west,  red  for  the  south,  and  white  for  the  east.  When  I  drew  his 
attention  to  it  he  said,  it  was  "  good  "  anyway  and  gave,  if  I  remember 
rightly,  as  his  reason,  that  he  did  not  happen  to  have  all  the  paints 
there,  which,  I  believe,  was  true.  Fortunately,  I  had  previously  care- 
fully noted  down  the  colors,  so  that  I  was  able  when  I  reproduced  this 
altar  in  the  Field  Museum  to  paint  the  figurines  as  they  originally  were. 
Wickwaya  did  not  seem  to  feel  quite  easy  about  this  innovation  and 
did  not  seem  to  like  it  that  I  had  noticed  it.1 

The  altar  is  usually  finished  at  about  noon.2  Wickwaya,  after 
having  smoked  awhile,  resumes  his  seat  in  the  corner  with  his  sister. 
Occasionally  a  child  is  brought  into  the  kiva  and  initiated,  which  is 
done  in  the  following  manner:  A  ring  or  circle  of  meal,  about  three 
feet  in  diameter,  is  sprinkled  on  the  floor  in  the  south-east  corner  of 
the  deeper  portion  of  the  kiva.  The  child  is  placed  into  the  centre  of 
it.  If  it  is  small  a  woman  holds  it.  Two  older  women  kneel  on  op- 
posite sides  of  the  circle,  holding  in  their  hands  a  ring  made  of  strands 
or  strips  of  yucca  leaves.  This  ring  is  placed  on  the  floor  corresponding 
to  the  meal  circle.  The  two  women  then  raise  and  lower  this  ring 
four  times  about  two  feet,  expressing  a  wish  or  prayer  for  the  prosperity 
and  happiness  of  the  child,  after  which  the  latter  is  sent  or  taken  to 
the  altar  and  instructed  to  sprinkle  some  meal  towards  it,  that  has 
been  previously  placed  into  its  hands. 

At  about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  two  of  the  women,  who 
participate  in  the  daily  altar  performances,  are  sent  after  water  to  two 
different  springs,  one  being  the  Flute  Spring  west,  the  other  Talaova 
(Dawn  Spring),  south-east  of  the  village.  The  chief  priest  first  ties 
an  eagle  nakwakwosi  to  their  hair  on  the  top  of  the  head,  and  then 
hands  to  each  one  a  long,  black  feather,  a  bone  whistle,  a  white  corn-ear, 
a  netted  gourd  vessel,  some  nakwakwosis,  two  green  and  one  black 
bahos,  and  some  sacred  meal.  The  prayer  offerings  they  deposit 
at  the  spring  before  they  dip  the  water.3     While  they  are  gone  the  rest 

1  I  have  noticed  such  inaccuracies  and  deviations  in  other  ceremonies,  particularly  in  changing 
the  position  of  slabs,  sticks,  etc.,  on  complicated  altars,  especially  when  the  chief  priest  or  his  assist- 
ants are  new  men. 

2  This  altar  has  been  reproduced — with  others — by  the  author  in  the  Field  Museum  of  Natural 
History  (see  Plate  XXXIII). 

3  The  Spring  of  Talaova  is  dry  most,  if  not  all,  the  time.  But  as  it  is  one  of  the  old  sacred  springs 
the  offering  is  made  there  and  then  the  water  gotten  from  the  nearest  spring  or  pool.  Similar  instances 
have  been  observed  in  connection  with  other  ceremonies. 


46      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

wait  in  silence.  With  regard  to  the  returning  of  these  two  priestesses 
the  following  is  taken  from  my  notes  of  1897:  Pungnyanomsi  returned 
first.  Wickwaya  met  her  at  the  east  side  of  the  ladder,  in  the  kiva, 
where  she  stopped.  He  first  strewed  a  line  of  sacred  meal  from  where 
she  stood  to  the  figurines  on  the  east  side  of  the  altar  and  threw  a  pinch 
of  meal  on  the  elevated  portion  of  the  floor  east  of  the  ladder.  He 
then  received  from  her  all  the  objects  that  she  had  taken  with  her, 
except  the  prayer  offerings,  and  placed  them  in  front  of  the  altar.  The 
vessel,  of  course,  now  contained  water.  She  then  sat  down  on  the 
elevated  portion  of  the  floor  close  to  the  ladder  where  Wickwaya  had 
sprinkled  the  pinch  of  meal  (see  Plate  VIII,  a),  Wickwaya  resuming 
his  place  by  the  side  of  his  sister.  All  again  waited  in  silence  until 
the  second  woman  returned.  Wickwaya  went  through  the  same  per- 
formance as  before,  only  varying  the  meal  line  slightly  towards  the 
west  and  placing  the  objects  a  little  towards  the  east  from  the  others, 
the  second  woman  sitting  down  by  the  side  of  the  first.  He  then  took 
a  long  buzzard  feather  (wishoko)  and  a  little  meal,  stood  in  front  of 
the  two  women,  sprinkled  a  pinch  of  meal  along  the  concave  side  of 
the  feather  and,  holding  it  over  the  women,  hummed  a  short  discharm- 
ing  song,  waving  or  beating  time  up  and  down  with  the  feather  over 
the  heads  of  the  women  from  right  to  left  two  times,  and  then  brushed 
off  the  meal  with  the  back  of  his  fingers  towards  the  hatch-way.  This 
performance  he  repeated  four  times  (see  Plates  VI,  VII  and  VIII). 
He  then  took  the  nakwakwosis  from  their  hair  and  said,  "Taa!  (Now 
then!).  They  took  off  their  white  robes,  and  one  of  them  left  the  kiva 
temporarily  while  the  other  sat  down  at  another  place.  The  nakwa- 
kwosis Wickwaya  placed  with  the  two  water  gourds.  Hereupon  he 
lighted  a  pipe  and  smoked  for  a  while,  the  others  silently  waiting.  Some 
more  women  came  in. 

At  about  five  o'clock  all  arrange  themselves  around  the  altar  (see 
Plate  XVI,  a),  the  chief  priest,  his  assistant,  the  chief  priestess,  her 
assistant  and  six  other  women.  The  chief  priest  hands  to  each  one 
a  pinch  of  sacred  meal;  he  takes  a  mosilili,  (cone  shell  rattle),  the  two 
priestesses  each  a  gourd  rattle,  all  the  rest  white  ears  of  corn  and  then 
the  first  altar  ceremony  begins.  The  participants  are  arranged  in  the 
same  manner  as  in  the  winter  ceremony  and  the  individual  members 
will  be  referred  to  mostly  by  number  when  mentioned  in  connection 
with  any  particular  performance.  This  will  be  less  confusing,  as  the 
participants  in  the  different  years  were  not  always  the  same,  but  the 
positions,  that  those  occupied,  who  performed  that  particular  rite, 
remained   unchanged.1     It   might    be   mentioned,    that    the    position 

1  See  diagram  on  page  17. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  XV. 


PL.  XV. 

Navini,  assistant  chief  Marau  priest. 


Feb.,  1912.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  47 

No.  3  is  that  of  the  assistant  priestess,  No.  4  of  the  chief  priestess, 
No.  5  of  the  assistant  priest,  and  No.  6  of  the  chief  priest.1 

After  the  chief  priest  has  handed  a  pinch  of  sacred  meal  to  each 
priestess,  No.  8  strews  a  line  of  meal  from  the  altar  to  the  ladder, 
throwing  a  pinch  towards  the  hatch-way.  Wickwaya  then  takes  an 
eagle  wing  feather  in  his  left,  some  meal  in  his  right  hand,  stands  up, 
sprinkles  some  meal  along  the  feather,  hums  a  short  song  waving  the 
feather  slightly  up  and  down  to  the  time  of  the  singing,  circles  the 
feather  over  the  altar  two  times,  and  then  quickly  brushes  the  meal 
off  towards  the  hatch- way.  This  he  does,  in  all,  five  times.  He  then 
utters  a  brief  prayer,  assumes  his  seat  in  the  circle  and  then  the 

First  song  is  commenced.  No.  8  gets  up,  and,  standing  on  the 
banquette  of  the  kiva  and  holding  a  small  tray  with  fine  meal  in  her 
left  hand,  rubs  four  lines  against  the  north  wall  of  the  kiva.  At  the 
second  stanza  of  the  song  she  does  the  same  on  the  west  wall,  etc.  At 
the  fifth  stanza  she  throws  four  times  a  small  pinch  against  a  joist  over 
the  altar,  and  at  the  sixth  an  equal  number  of  times  on  the  floor  near 
the  medicine  bowl: 

Second  song:  No.  8  takes  from  a  corn -husk  some  crushed  berries, 
passes  them  along  the  ear  of  corn  on  the  north  side  of  the  medicine 
bowl,  drops  them  into  the  bowl,  picks  up  the  corn-ear,  the  old  aspergill 
(which  is  called  the  husband  of  the  corn-ear)  and  the  small  stone  lying 
by  its  side,  holds  these  objects  over  the  bowl,  and  pours  some  water 
on  them  from  one  of  the  netted  gourd  vessels,  whereupon  she  replaces 
them.     This  she  repeats  with  the  other  five  groups  of  objects. 

Third  song:  No.  7  sprinkles  a  pinch  of  corn-pollen  along  the  north 
side  corn-ear  into  the  bowl,  then  also  throws  the  small  stone  from  the 
north  side  into  the  bowl,  and  then,  bending  over  the  medicine  bowl  (see 
Plate  IX,  b)  whistles  into  it  several  times.  This  she  repeats  with  re- 
gard to  the  other  five  directions  during  the  following  five  stanzas  of 
the  song. 

Fourth  song:  No.  3  moves  slightly  forward  in  a  kneeling  position, 
picks  up  the  ear  of  corn  and  its  husband  from  the  north  side  of  the 
bowl,  dips  these  objects  into  the  liquid  and  then  asperges  with  them. 
At  the  second  stanza  she  does  the  same  with  the  objects  from  the  west 
side,  etc.,  until  all  six  have  been  used.  While  this  is  going  on  No.  8 
asperges  occasionally. 

Fifth  song:  No.  2  moves  forward  in  a  kneeling  position  and  takes 
the  two  small  bow  sticks  from  the  west  side  of  the  altar;  No.  10  those 
from  the  east  side;  No.  7  the  two  sticks  with  the  grass  wheels  from  the 

1  As  Wickwaya  was  the  chief  priest,  and  Navini  the  assistant  in  nearly  all  the  ceremonies  observed, 
their  names  will  be  used  in  this  memoir. 


48      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XL 

small  figurine  on  the  west  side  and  No.  o  those  from  the  small  figurine 
on  the  east  side.  All  beat  time  on  the  floor  with  the  ends  of  these  sticks. 
At  a  certain  word  of  the  song  they  raise  them  and  then  dip  them  with 
a  sweeping  downward  motion  into  the  charm  liquid,  and  then  asperge 
with  them.  All  the  other  singers  also  move  the  objects  they  hold  in 
their  hands  towards  (but  not  into)  the  bowl.  All  this  is  done  six  times 
—  one  time  for  each  ceremonial  direction. 

Sixth  song:   All  throw  a  pinch  of  meal  towards  the  altar  six  times. 

Seventh  song:  Wickwaya  places  a  little  honey  on  his  tongue,  lights 
the  cloud-blower  at  the  fireplace  and  then,  taking  the  large  end  be- 
tween his  lips,  forces  from  it  large  clouds  of  smoke  over  the  altar. 
After  spurting  the  honey  also  onto  the  altar  he  scrapes  the  ashes  from 
the  pipe  into  the  fireplace,  whereupon  he  resumes  his  place;  the  singing 
has  in  the  meantime  been  continued  by  the  others. 

Nine  songs  are  then  chanted,  during  which  no  special  rites  occur, 
except  asperging  by  No.  8  at  the  conclusion  of  each  song. 

Seventeenth  song:  No.  1  shuffles  slightly  forward  on  her  knees  first; 
the  chief  priest  steps  behind  the  altar,  pulls  out  one  of  the  smaller 
sticks  from  the  ridge  and  hands  it  to  No.  1,  waving  it  from  left  to  right 
over  the  medicine  bowl.  As  soon  as  he  has  resumed  his  place  the 
singing  is  taken  up  again.  The  woman  beats  time  by  striking  the  end 
of  the  stick  on  the  floor.  At  a  certain  word1  in  each  stanza  she  swings 
the  stick  in  front  of  herself  from  right  to  left  and  then  continues  to 
beat  time  with  it  as  before.  She  repeats  this  six  times.  All  then  say, 
thanks;  Wickwaya  replaces  the  stick,  circling  it  back  over  the  bowl,  and 
resumes  his  seat.  A  brief,  solemn  silence  follows.  Then  Wickwaya 
and  his  sister  utter  a  brief  prayer;  the  others,  one  after  another  say: 
"Pai  itam  ookaoyani  (We  shall  be  very  strong  (or  steadfast),  where- 
upon all  throw  a  pinch  of  meal  towards  the  altar  and  then  scatter 
throughout  the  kiva.  The  chief  priest  and  his  assistant  smoke  from 
a  pipe  which  the  latter  has  lighted  and  after  the  smoking,  spurt  some 
honey  about  them.  The  women  make  nakwakwosis  which  they  tie 
to  their  hair.2  The  three  principal  leaders  eat  on  this  day  only  in  the 
evening;  all  others  abstain  from  all  foods  containing  salt. 

Second  Day  (Shush  tala,  First  Day) . 

In  the  morning  the  same  ceremony  takes  place  around  the  altar  by 
the  ten  leaders  as  the  one  that  occurred  on  the  previous  afternoon, 
with  the  exception,  however,  that  the  discharming  ceremony  by  Wick- 

1  See  page  46. 

2  This  probably  refers  to  the  Marau  nakwakwosis  of  two  small  sparrow  hawk  feathers  already 
mentioned  and  which  the  chief  priestess  and  her  assistant  had  on  in  the  morning. 


Feb.,  1912.     The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  49 

way  a  is  omitted,  the  four  meal  lines  on  the  four  kiva  walls  are  not  made, 
and  the  ceremony  of  dipping  the  ears  of  corn,  etc.,  into  the  charm 
liquid  is  dispensed  with,  No.  8  only  asperging  occasionally  while  the 
first  two  songs  are  chanted.  After  the  singing  No.  8  throws  a  pinch 
of  meal  through  the  hatch-way  and  Wickwaya  and  Navini  smoke,  the 
first  at  his  usual  place  in  the  circle,  the  latter  at  the  fireplace.  Both 
spurt  a  little  pinch  of  honey  about  them  after  the  smoking. 

On  one  occasion  I  noticed  that  a  few  other  women  had  come  in  on 
this  morning.  They  sat  back  of  the  circle  but  also  received  some 
sacred  meal  and  at  the  close  of  the  ceremony  sprinkled  it  towards  the 
altar. 

At  about  seven  o'clock  food  is  brought  to  the  kiva  for  the  morning 
meal.  Those  who  bring  it  announce  their  arrival  at  the  outside  and 
are  greeted  by  askwali!  (thanks),  by  the  women  in  the  kiva,  the  latter 
going  up  the  ladder  and  taking  down  the  vessels.  When  the  food  is 
all  standing  on  the  floor  a  small  pinch  of  the  various  dishes  and  of  the 
piki  is  placed  on  the  floor  in  front  of  the  altar.  Before  eating  all  stand 
around  the  food  and  sing  quietly  for  about  fifteen  minutes,  whereupon 
they  squat  down  on  the  floor  around  the  board  and  eat,  except  Wick- 
waya, his  sister  and  her  assistant  who  occupy  their  places  in  the  north- 
west corner  of  the  kiva.  They  fast  this  day  again  the  same  as  the 
day  before,  i.  e.,  they  eat  in  the  evening  only.  The  others  eat,  but  no 
foods  seasoned  with  salt. 

In  one  ceremony  were  noticed  at  this  time  in  front  of  the  altar 
twelve  small  food  bowls;  also  four  piki  trays  on  top  of  each  other  and 
in  the  uppermost  tray  four  small  trays.  The  bowls  contained  some  kind 
of  a  stew,  the  trays  piki  (the  typical  Hopi  wafer  bread)  and  the  small 
trays  a  white  mush.  On  top  of  the  latter  lay  a  small  quantity  of  some 
other  kind  of  food  which  was  also  offered  with  the  food  from  the  other 
bowls,  as  already  stated.  Of  the  food  in  these  containers  the  three 
chief  leaders  eat  in  the  evening. 

After  breakfast  the  leaders  deseed,  card  and  spin  cotton,  and  some 
prayer  offerings  are  made;  a  baho  for  the  sun  and  nakwakwosis  for 
the  world  quarters,  by  Wickwaya.  Just  what  kind  by  the  women 
was  not  recorded.  Besides  this,  nothing  of  importance  is  going  on. 
The  chief  leaders  spend  most  of  their  time  at  their  usual  place;  some 
sleep,  others  gossip. 

At  one  time  I  noticed  on  this  forenoon  Navini  occupy  the  place  in 
the  north-west  corner  that  the  assistant  priestess  usually  occupies. 
Whether  the  seat  was  not  to  be  left  vacant  while  she  was  out  or  whether 
it  was  for  some  other  reason  I  did  not  learn. 

In  the  afternoon  the  women  practiced  mostly  singing,  moving 


50      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

slowly  around  sideways  in  a  circle  in  the  kiva  holding  a  white  ear  of 
corn  in  their  hands  and  waving  their  arms  upwards,  sideways  and 
downward,  in  fact  going  through  the  same  pantomime  as  in  the  public 
performance  on  the  plaza  on  the  ninth  day,  for  which  they  are  evidently 
practicing.     The  evening  meal  was,  of  course,  eaten  in  the  kiva. 

Third  Day  (Losh  tala,  Second  Day). 

Concerning  the  rites  performed  before  dawn  on  this  day  the  fol- 
lowing is  taken  from  my  notes  of  1895: 

I  arrived  at  the  kiva  at  five  o'clock  a.  m.  The  ten  leaders  had  been 
sleeping  in  the  kiva  and  just  began  to  stir  and  some  were  singing  even 
before  they  were  up. 

About  fifteen  minutes  later  Wickwaya  made  his  morning  offering 
(kuiwato)  a  few  hundred  feet  south  of  the  kiva  by  sprinkling  a  little 
sacred  meal  on  the  ground  and  towards  the  dawn,  after  he  had  held  it 
to  his  lips  and  whispered  a  prayer  on  it.  A  few  minutes  later  his 
sister  put  up  the  natsi1  at  the  south  end  of  the  hatch-way  (see  Plate  IV,  a) 
and  then  all  the  women  took  their  white  ears  of  corn  and  some  meal 
and  went  to  a  rock,  south  of  the  village,  where  they  drew  up  in  a  line 
facing  the  east.  Each  held  the  meal  to  the  lips  and  then  threw  a  pinch 
of  it  on  a  stone  in  front  of  them  and  the  rest  towards  the  rising  dawn.2 

As  soon  as  all  have  returned  the  ten  leaders  arrange  themselves 
around  the  altar  in  the  usual  manner  and  the  same  ceremony  is  gone 
through  as  on  the  second  day.  In  fact  this  day  is  spent  in  the  kiva 
in  practically  the  same  manner  as  the  previous  day,  i.  e.,  with  carding 
and  spinning  of  cotton,  the  preparing  of  the  usual  prayer  offerings, 
smoking  (by  the  men),  sleeping  and,  in  the  afternoon,  practicing  for 
the  public  performance  on  the  last  day.  On  one  occasion  Wickwaya, 
Navini  and  their  mother,  the  chief  priestess,  squatted  down  in  front  of 
the  altar  and  sang  several  songs,  but  it  seemed  to  be  done  only  for 
practicing  or  rehearsing.  I  also  noticed  again  that  Navini,  for  a  short 
time,  occupied  the  seat  of  the  assistant  priestess  in  the  corner,  as  he 
did  once  for  a  brief  period  on  the  previous  day. 

The  regulations  with  regard  to  fasting  and  eating  are  the  same  as 
on  the  previous  day. 

Fourth  Day  (Bayish  tala,  Third  Day). 
This  is  one  of  the  most  important  of  the  nine  ceremonial  days.     As 
the  early  ceremonies  of  this  day  were  observed  in  1895  only,  I -give 
my  notes  from  that  year  as  nearly  as  possible  verbatim:   I  was  at  the 

1  On  some  days  Wickwaya  attended  to  that. 

2  While  these  early  rites  were  not  noted  every  morning  it  is  believed  that  they  took  place  every 
day  except  on  the  first  and  perhaps  ninth  day. 


Feb.,  1912.      The  Oraibi  MArau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  51 

kiva  at  four  o'clock,  as  I  wished  to  observe  all  the  rites  and 
ceremonies  of  this  important  day.  Everything  was  quiet  in  the  kiva 
yet.  But  when  they  heard  me  outside  they  got  up.  Wickwaya  had 
also  spent  the  night  in  the  kiva,  as  usual.  Soon  one  of  the  women 
took  a  prayer  feather  and  some  sacred  meal  to  a  shrine  at  Apohoniwe  — 
I  was  told.1  At  about  4:30  the  aged  chief  priestess,  Tangakweima,  took 
out  the  natci  very  reverently,  waved  it  from  the  six  ceremonial  world 
quarters  towards  the  point  where  it  was  to  be  inserted  into  the  matting 
at  the  south  end  of  the  hatch-way,  then  sprinkled  meal  in  the  same 
manner  and  then  inserted  it,  saying  to  me:  It  is  now  going  to  rain;  I 
asked  the  rain  to  come. 

At  about  five  o'clock  every  woman  took  her  corn-ear  and  some 
prayer-meal  and  all  went  slowly,  as  usual,  to  a  rock,  south  of  the 
village,  for  the  usual  morning  rite  of  kuiwato.  As  they  passed  the 
Kwan  kiva  they  all  cast  a  little  meal  toward  it.  Arriving  at  the  rock 
they  threw  a  pinch  of  meal  on  the  ground,  where,  I  believe,  a  small 
shrine  is  located;  then  all  faced  towards  the  east  where  it  just  began 
to  dawn,  waved  the  corn-ears  towards  the  east  and  threw  the  rest 
of  the  meal  also  in  that  direction,  whereupon  they  slowly  filed  back 
to  the  kiva.  Here  I  met  Homihoiniwa,  Wickwaya's  half  brother,  who 
in  the  meantime  had  come  into  the  kiva.  He  succeeded  Wickwaya 
a  few  years  later  as  chief  priest.  He  just  left  the  kiva  to  make  his 
morning  offering,  which  Wickwaya  probably  had  done  while  the 
women  had  been  out  for  that  same  purpose. 

In  the  kiva  Wickwaya  had  just  built  a  fire  and  Navini  had  come  in. 
When  all  were  in,  some  sat  down  in  front  of  the  altar,  others  on  the 
banquettes  along  the  walls  and  soon  they  began  to  sing,  evidently  for 
practice. 

Then  the  same  ceremony  took  place  as  on  the  two  preceding  days 
after  No.  8  had,  as  usual,  strewn  a  meal  line  from  the  effigies  on  the 
east  side  of  the  altar  to  the  ladder  which  is  supposed  to  close  the  cere- 
monial chamber,  and  is  not  supposed  to  be  crossed  by  any  one.2 

When  the  ceremony  was  over,  Homihoiniwa,  instead  of  Navini, 
lighted  the  pipe  at  the  fireplace  and  handed  it  to  Wickwaya,  who  smoked 
awhile,  blowing  the  smoke  towards  the  altar.  Navini  then  did  the 
same,  handing  the  pipe  to  Homihoiniwa,  who  also  smoked  a  few  puffs 

1  Apohoniwe  is  several  miles  from  Oraibi,  but  as  in  other  cases,  a  shrine  closer  by  probably  rep- 
resents that  place.  Thus  the  San  Francisco  Mountains.  Kishiwuu  and  other  distant  places,  sacred  to 
the  Hopi.  have  a  substitute  place  closer  by  that  bears  the  same  name  and  where  the  offerings  are 
deposited,  that  are  intended  for  those  distant  shrines. 

J  This  applies  to  all  ceremonies  where  this  line  is  made.  They  usually  objected  to  any  one  going 
up  or  down  the  ladder  while  the  ceremony  was  in  progress,  but  more  particularly  to  the  use  of  the 
right  or  east  side  of  the  ladder. 


52      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

at  the  fireplace,  while  Wickwaya  and  Navini  spurted  honey  over  the 
altar  and  around  themselves  and  up  the  ladder. 

After  a  brief  period  of  rest  all  began  to  make  bahos  and  nakwa- 
kwosis,  while  some  women  had  to  spin  some  cotton  string  first  for  that 
purpose.  On  one  occasion  it  was  noticed  here  that  the  old  priestess 
gave  to  each  woman  a  roll  of  white  piki,  which,  however,  they  did  not 
eat  as  they  were  supposed  to  fast  on  this  day.  The  exact  number 
and  kind  of  bahos  and  nakwakwosis  could  not  be  accurately  recorded. 
On  one  occasion  I  noticed  that  Pungnyanomsi  (No.  i)  prepared  a  double 
green  baho,  about  fourteen  inches  long  and  another  one  about  six 
inches  long ;  to  the  first  she  fastened  a  small  crook  which  she  also  painted 
green.  She  also  prepared  a  number  of  eagle  nakwakwosis  and  a  long 
piihu  (road),  i.  e.,  a  long  twisted  cotton  string  to  one  end  of  which  a 
bunch  of  different  kinds  of  small  feathers  are  fastened.  My  notes  — 
which  had  to  be  written  rapidly  —  do  not  state  to  which  of  the  two 
bahos  this  road  was  attached,  but  in  all  probability  to  the  long  one. 
She  then  constructed  on  a  flat  tray  a  square  baho  stand  of  clay  eight 
or  ten  inches  long,  about  five  inches  wide  and  about  two  inches  high, 
the  four  sides  sloping  so  that  it  was  larger  at  the  bottom  than  at  the 
top.  This  she  sprinkled  liberally  with  meal  and  then  thrust  the  two 
bahos  into  it,  one  near  each  end.  The  long  road  was  folded  up  and 
placed  on  top  of  the  stand,  the  nakwakwosis  beside  it  on  the  tray. 

Usually  initiations  of  new  members  take  place  on  this  day.  A 
moho-ngola  (yucca  ring)  is  prepared  for  this  purpose,  consisting  of 
one,  or  sometimes  a  number  of  strands  (usually  four)  of  split  yucca 
leaves  which  are  tied  together  by  the  ends  at  four  places  so  that  the 
ring  consists  of  four  lengths,  or  sections.  As  soon  as  a  candidate  for 
initiation  enters  or  is  brought  in,  (for  they  are  mostly  small  children), 
a  circle  of  meal  is  strewn  in  the  south-east  corner  of  the  deeper  portion 
of  the  kiva  with  a  pinch  of  meal  in  the  centre.  The  yucca  ring  is  put 
on  the  meal  ring.  The  candidate  steps,  or  is  placed,  into  this  circle, 
holding  a  little  meal  in  the  right  hand.  Two  priestesses  then  raise 
and  lower  the  yucca  ring  four  times,  expressing  a  wish  or  prayer  that 
the  novice  may  grow  old  and  be  happy.  The  novice  then  goes,  or  if 
too  young,  is  taken  to  the  altar  where  they  sprinkle  the  meal  towards 
the  altar.  They  are  then  given  a  white  ear  of  corn  and  the  typical 
Marau  nakwa,  of  two  small  sparrow  hawk  feathers,  is  tied  to  their  hair. 
When  not  in  use  the  moho-ngola  hangs  on  the  wall  east  of  the  ladder. 

Another  peculiar  object  is  made  on  this  day  only.  It  consists  of 
a  cone  of  clay,  about  ten  inches  high  and  six  inches  in  diameter  at  the 
base.  Usually  two  women  make  this  cone.  One  of  them  takes  two 
ears  of  corn  from  a  tray,  rasps  one  over  the  other  four  times  and  then 


Feb.,  191 2.     The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  53 

stops  about  a  minute.  She  then  shells  the  corn,  whereupon  the  kernels 
are  pressed  into  the  soft  cone,  first  in  four  stripes,  an  inch  to  an  inch 
and  a  half  wide,  one  yellow  (north),  one  dark  blue  (west),  one  red 
(south),  and  one  white  (east).  These  stripes  run  from  the  base  to  the 
apex  of  the  cone.  The  spaces  between  these  four  lines  are  then  filled 
up  with  kernels  of  the  four  different  kinds  of  color.  Into  the  apex 
a  bunch  of  feathers1  is  inserted  and  the  cone  then  placed  on  the  floor 
at  the  east  side  of  the  altar  (see  Plate  XIII). 

One  time  I  noticed  again  on  this  day  that  soon  after  the  morning 
ceremony  two  women  stroked  and  massaged  the  back  and  limbs  of 
Wickwaya  and  the  two  leading  priestesses  again. 

At  about  half  past  ten  in  the  forenoon  the  work  of  making  the 
bahos  and  nakwakwosis  is  finished.  They  are  disposed  of  in  various 
ways;  some  nakwakwOsis  are  laid  over  the  arms  of  the  figurines,  one 
time  one  woman  tied  one  to  a  beam  of  the  ladder;  two  were  placed 
on  the  floor  near  the  fireplace,  as  a  prayer  that  the  Hopi  should  never 
suffer  for  want  of  fire.  Most  of  them  were  placed  on  a  tray  with 
some  meal.  The  chief  priest  and  the  women  sitting  around  the  tray 
sing  a  few  songs,  accompanying  this  by  shaking  their  rattles.  After 
the  singing  the  priest  utters  a  short  prayer.  He  then  smokes  over 
them  from  a  cloud  blower  which  his  assistant  has  lighted  and  from 
which  he  had  first  blown  some  smoke  over  the  altar.  Both  always 
spurt  some  honey  after  having  smoked.  Some  more  nakwakwosis 
are  then  disposed  of.  On  one  occasion  I  observed  that  some  were  tied 
to  the  netted  gourd  vessles;  one  woman  took  a  pinch  of  prayer-meal, 
mumbled  a  prayer  over  it,  and  threw  the  meal  and  feathers  on  the 
embers  of  the  fireplace.  The  nakwakwosis  that  are  still  on  the  tray 
are  handed  with  some  meal  to  six  women,  each  one  also  having  a  pinch 
of  honey  placed  on  her  tongue,  who  deposit  them  at  six  different  places 
near  the  village.  Each  woman  also  takes  her  white  ear  of  corn  along. 
As  one  after  the  other  returns,  in  about  ten  minutes,  she  takes  a  pinch 
of  meal  from  a  tray,  holds  it  to  her  lips  and  casts  it  toward  the  altar, 
all  the  others  saying,  thanks!  More  women  usually  are  present  on 
this  day  than  before.  Each  one  brings  with  her  a  white  ear  of  corn 
and  throws  some  meal  to  the  altar  when  she  comes  into  the  kiva. 
After  the  prayer  offerings  have  been  disposed  of,  the  women  soon  squat 
down  in  an  oblong  circle  in  front  of  the  altar  and  make  nakwakwosis 
for  their  departed  loved  ones.  "This  is  for  my  mother,"  said  one  to 
me;  "This  for  my  sister,"  another  one,  etc.  These  nakwaksosis  are 
put  on  a  tray,  which  is  placed  near  the  altar.  Then  nothing  of  im- 
portance takes  place  for  several  hours. 

My  notes  do  not  state  what  kind  of  feathers. 


54      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

In  the  middle  of  the  afternoon1  the  ten  leaders  again  arrange  them- 
selves around  the  altar  in  the  usual  manner.  No.  8  strews  the  meal 
line  from  the  altar  to  the  ladder  and  then  the  usual  singing  ceremony- 
takes  place  in  the  same  way  as  on  previous  occasions.  But  during  the 
fifteenth  song  an  entirely  new  scene  is  presented.  As  there  were  some 
variations  in  the  different  years  I  give  my  notes  of  1895  and  1897 
separately: 

1895:  This  over,  all  stood  up;  No.  10  put  on  a  white  dress  (owa) 
and  a  fine  blanket  (toihi),  whitened  her  face  with  meal,  tied  a  pota  (tray 
from  the  Second  Mesa)  that  had  nakwakwosis  fastened  to  its  rim,  to 
each  wrist,  and  then  danced  very  gracefully  around  the  altar  four 
times,  stopping  at  each  cardinal  point  and  waving  the  potas  towards 
it.  All  sang  and  those  having  rattles  shook  them  as  usual,  while  this 
was  going  on.  When  this  was  over,  all  said,  thanks,  and  resumed  their 
places. 

1897:  A  woman,  dressed  in  a  toihi,  big  knotted  belt,  moccasins 
with  leggings,  her  face  daubed  white,  jumped  up  behind  the  altar. 
She  had  two  old  trays  with  corn-meal  and  danced  around  the  altar 
six  times,  rather  vigorously,  swinging  the  trays  (from  side  to  side) 
and  then  stopped  behind  the  altar,  where  one  of  the  women  assisted 
her  in  taking  off  the  costume,  etc.     All  cried,  thanks! 

In  each  of  these  two  cases  the  ceremony  then  went  on  and  terminated 
in  the  usual  way.  Most  of  the  women  then  go  after  food  for  the  even- 
ing meal.  The  chief  priestess  takes  a  large  bowl,  containing  some 
piki  and  cooked  beans,  and  places  it  on  the  elevated  portion  of  the 
kiva  west  of  the  ladder;  at  the  east  side  of  this  bowl  she  places  a  tray 
with  meal  and  the  tray  with  the  nakwakwosis  prepared  by  the  women 
in  the  forenoon  for  their  departed  friends  and  relatives.  She  then 
assumes  a  kneeling  position  south  of  the  bowl,  her  assistant  north  and 
Wick  way  a  south-west  of  it.  The  latter  has  a  mosilili  in  his  hand. 
The  other  women  now  begin  to  return  to  the  kiva  with  the  various 
dishes  of  food  for  the  evening  meal.  Every  woman  steps  to  the  priest- 
esses who  take  a  small  quantity  of  every  kind  of  food,  even  of  the  liquids, 
and  put  it  into  the  large  bowl,  whereupon  the  woman  places  her  vessel 
with  the  food  on  the  floor  in  the  deeper  portion  of  the  kiva.  Here 
the  different  bowls  and  trays  are  arranged  in  two  rows,  around  which 
the  women  seat  themselves  as  they  come  in.  When  all  have  made 
their  contribution  of  food,  they  all  rise  and  standing  around  the  food 
board  begin  to  sing,  waving  their  arms,  and  Wickwaya  shaking  the 
mosilili  to  the  time  of  the  singing.  Some  have  their  corn-ear  in  their 
hand,  others  have  not.     During  the  singing  the  two  priestesses  kneel 

1  The  time  has  varied  in  the  different  years  between  3  -.30  and  5  o'clock. 


ill- 


PL.  XVI. 

A.  Leading  priestesses  singing  around  the  altar.     Through  the  gap  in  the 
circle  the  meal  line  is  strewn  from  the  idols  to  the  ladder. 

B.  Priestesses  consecrating  ceremonial  objects,  to  be  used  in  the  public  per- 
formances on  the  last  day. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  XVI. 


Feb.,  191 2.     The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  55 

on  opposite  sides  of  the  bowl  holding  it  with  both  hands.  All  at  once 
f  they  dump  the  meal  from  the  tray  into  the  bowl,  make  a  dough  of  this 
mixture  and  then  form  about  sixteen  balls  of  it,  which  they  place  on  the 
tray  with  the  nakwakwosis.  After  that  they  rub  off  the  dough,  that 
adheres  to  their  hands,  with  meal  and  then  again  hold  the  (now  empty) 
bowl  until  the  singing  stops.  Four  women  of  the  ten  leaders  then 
step  forward,  the  chief  priestess  gives  to  each  one  a  portion  of  the  balls 
and  nakwakwosis,  placing  them  into  a  corner  of  the  blanket  or  cloak 
that  they  wear  over  their  dress.  One  then  runs  to  the  north,  the 
other  to  the  west,  the  third  to  the  south,  and  the  fourth  to  the  east 
side  of  the  village.  Each  one  then  runs  from  her  point  to  the  next 
one,  i.  e.,  the  one  from  the  north  side  to  the  place  where  the  one  on 
the  west  side  started  and  so  on,  each  one  describing  a  fourth  part  of 
a  circle.  While  they  run  they  throw  away  food  balls  and  nakwakwosis 
as  an  offering  to  the  dead.  It  is  the  supposition  that  the  spirits  of 
the  departed  come  and  get  the  food  and  the  prayer  feathers,  or  rather 
the  hikvsi  (breath,  essence,  soul)  of  those  objects.1 

While  these  four  women  are  gone  the  others  begin  to  eat,  the  four 
joining  them  when  they  return.  On  one  occasion  (in  the  ceremony 
of  1897)  there  were  about  twenty  women  around  the  one  and  about 
twelve  around  the  other  "table."  The  aged  Tangakweima,  who  had 
acted  as  chief  priestess  for  the  last  time  in  1895,  then  having  been 
succeeded  by  her  daughter,  had  a  seat  at  the  head  (north  end)  of  one 
of  the  boards;  Wickwaya  had  a  place  at  her  right,  then  came  Navini, 
while  the  seat  at  her  left  was  occupied  by  Qoyamonoma  (No.  10),  at 
whose  left  sat  Ootchnomsi,  Wickwaya 's  sister  who,  for  the  first  time, 
acted  as  chief  priestess. 

After  supper  nothing  of  importance  takes  place  until  after  twelve 
o'clock  at  night.  The  time  is  spent  in  singing,  talking,  joking,  smoking 
(by  the  men),  etc.  A  few  more  men  and  a  number  of  new  women 
usually  come  in  this  evening.  On  one  occasion  I  counted  about  forty 
persons  in  the  kiva. 

Fifth  Day  (Nalosh  tala,  Fourth  Day). 
As  the  participants  in  the  ceremony  had  been  up  all  night  and 
various  performances  took  place  during  the  night,  the  description  of 
this  day's  doings  begins  where  that  of  the  previous  day  ended,  at 
twelve  o'clock  at  night.  The  time  from  midnight  until  one  o'clock  is 
spent  in  practically  the  same  way  as  that  from  supper  until  midnight : 
in  singing,  talking,  eating,  joking,  etc.     Now  and  then  one  will  go  to 

1  The  custom  of  not  only  informing  the  ancestors  and  friends  in  the  other  world  that  a  ceremony 
is  in  progress  here,  but  also  of  providing  the  means  to  have  them  share  in  its  benefits  has  also  been 
observed  in  other  ceremonies. 


56      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

sleep,  but  as  sleeping  is  prohibited  the  sleeper  is  soon  disturbed  and 
aroused  again.  At  about  one  o'clock  the  ten  leaders  take  their  usual 
places  around  the  altar  again  and,  as  far  as  I  could  determine,  the 
same  ceremony,  that  has  taken  place  every  day,  is  again  enacted.  All 
the  others  present  sit  scattered  on  the  floor  south  of  the  leaders  and 
join  in  the  singing  as  much  as  they  can.  At  the  conclusion  of  the 
performance  they  all  cast  a  pinch  of  meal  towards  the  altar. 

Pungnyanomsi  and  her  sister-in-law  now  leave  the  kiva,  the  rest 
fold  up  their  blankets  or  upper  garments  diagonally,  lay  them  over 
one  shoulder,  tying  the  two  ends  together  over  their  chest.  All  then 
move  in  slow  procession  sideways  around  the  altar  and  ladder  four 
times.  As  they  pass  Wickwaya,  who  stands  at  the  north  side  of  the 
altar,  he  thrusts  one  of  the  sticks  from  the  altar  ridge  behind  the  rolled 
up  garment  on  the  back  of  each  woman.  As  the  kiva  is  only  dimly 
lighted  it  was  not  possible  to  get  all  the  details  of  these,  more  or  less 
rapidly,  developing  performances.  A  number  of  the  women  —  all 
the  leaders  I  think  —  take  an  object  from  the  altar.  On  one  occasion 
one  had  a  netted  gourd  vessel;  Wickwaya's  mother  had  the  tiponi. 
Wickwaya,  Navini  and  Homihoiniwa,  each,  had  one  of  the  wide  corn- 
slabs  from  the  altar.  After  completing  the  fourth  circuit  they  all 
filed  out,  the  men  last. 

As  the  night  was  very  dark  I  could  not  record  the  exercises  outside 
very  well,  but  believe  that  they  were  the  same  as  took  place  during 
this  night  in  the  winter  ceremony  (see  page  31).  Outside  two  men  were 
guarding  the  kiva.  The  whole  procession  went  around  the  kiva  several 
times,  occasionally  sprinkling  meal  at  the  south  end  of  the  kiva.  All 
then  came  in  again  and  sat  down.  Navini  and  Homihoiniwa  burned 
the  nakwakwosi  that  had  been  lying  at  the  fireplace  during  the  day. 
Wickwaya  lighted  a  pipe,  whereupon  the  three  men  smoked.  The 
alter  remained  in  its  dismantled  condition. 

Nothing  of  importance  takes  place  during  the  remaining  part  of 
the  night,  in  fact,  no  regular  ceremony  takes  place  all  day.  In  the 
forenoon  most  of  the  participants  rest  and  sleep  in  their  homes.  On 
one  occasion  I  noticed  Wickwaya  and  Navini  in  their  fields. 

In  the  afternoon,  however,  a  number  of  the  women  assemble  in 
the  kiva  and  practice  songs  which  they  usually  compose  right  then 
and  there.  The  women  are  attired  in  all  manner  of  ludicrous  ways, 
partly  in.  men's,  partly  in  white  man's  dress,  partly  in  that  of  other 
tribes,  etc.  The  songs  usually  refer  to  some  real  or  imaginary  pecu- 
liarity of  some  man  in  the  village,  and  are  chanted  at  the  public  dance, 
which  is  performed  by  these  women  on  the  plaza  in  the  evening.  This 
is  called  tao-somngwu  ("song-tie"  or  "song-bind"),  because  the  man 


Feb.,  1912.     The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  57 

whose  name  is  mentioned  in  the  song  is  bound,  or  considered  to  be 
under  obligation,  to  give  some  presents  to  the  women,  which,  I  believe, 
usually  consist  of  one  or  the  other  kind  of  food.  (Compare  the  de- 
scription of  this  day's  proceedings  in  the  First  Part  of  this  paper.) 
The  chief  object  of  these  performances  seems  to  be  the  entertaining 
of  the  people  and  the  women  usually  reach  that  object  as  their  per- 
formances cause  a  great  deal  of  hilarity  and  laughter  on  the  part  of 
the  spectators.     No  fasting  takes  place  on  this  or  any  subsequent  day. 

Sixth  Day  (Shush  tala,  First  Day). 

This  day  is  spent  in  practically  the  same  manner  as  the  fifth  day, 
except  that  there  is  no  early  night  ceremony.  The  leaders  sleep  in 
the  kiva,  the  natsi  is  put  up,  and  though  my  notes  do  not  distinctly 
say  so,  I  have  reason  to  believe  that  the  morning  offerings  (kuiwato) 
are  made  the  same  as  on  previous  days. 

One  time  I  observed  that  in  another  kiva,  the  Blue  Flute,  a  lot  of 
sweet-corn  was  shelled  by  about  twenty-two  members  of  the  Marau 
order  and  that  one  of  the  leaders  (No.  10)  then  divided  it  among  these 
members  to  be  ground  to  meal  in  their  homes. 

This  day  is  also  called  komok-totokya,  from  komokto  to  get  wood, 
because  the  necessary  firewood  for  the  preparing  of  food  on  the  next 
day  for  the  public  ceremony  is  gotten  on  this  day. 

Seventh  Day  (Losh  tala,  Second  Day). 

The  conditions  are  practically  the  same  as  on  the  previous  day. 
I  noticed  that  Wickwaya  and  Navini  attended  to  their  fields.  One 
or  two  women  and  sometimes  a  few  children  are  usually  in  the  kiva 
to  watch  that  no  one,  not  initiated,  enters.  Now  and  then  other  wom- 
en come  in,  but  soon  leave.  The  altar  is  still  in  its  dismantled  con- 
dition. Most  of  the  members,  as  well  as  the  other  women  of  the 
village,  bake  piki  for  the  public  feast  on  the  ninth  day.  From  this 
fact  this  day  is  sometimes  called  pik-totokya  (piki-day  or  piki-pro- 
viding) . 

In  the  afternoon  another  tao-somngwu  "song-tie"  performance  is 
prepared  and  in  the  evening  carried  out  on  the  plaza,  as  described 
before. 

Eighth  Day  (Bayish  tala,  Third  Day). 

This  is  again  one  of  the  more  important  days  of  the  ceremony.1 
The  participants  rise  at  about  five  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  natsi 
is  put  up  almost  immediately.     In  1897  Wickwaya  put  it  up  on  this 

1  Also  called  totokya.  which  really  means  sleeps.  But  why  it  is  called  that  way  no  one  seems  to 
know.  The  day  preceding  any  important  ceremony  is  designated  by  that  name,  which  seems  to  have 
a  meaning  similar  to  "Christmas  Eve,"  or  the  German  "Heilige  Abend,"  a  general  preparation  day. 


58      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

day.  My  notes  of  that  year  say  that  at  about  six  o'clock  Wickwaya 
commenced  to  make  bahos.  First,  a  light  blue  double  baho  for  the 
sun,  with  two  eagle  feather  nakwakwosis  attached  to  it  (see  Plate  XXX, 
h).  The  Marau  ceremony  is  the  only  ceremony  where  I  have  seen 
a  baho  of  this  light  blue  color.  It  is  deposited,  I  believe,  towards 
evening  somewhere  south-east  and  close  to  the  mesa.  He  also  makes 
four  double  green  (see  Plate  XXX,  f)  and  two  single  black  bahos  (see 
Plate  XXX,  g)  which  are  taken  to  the  springs  in  the  afternoon  by  the 
two  women  who  get  the  water  for  the  ceremony. 

At  about  seven  o'clock  a  woman  (No.  10)  came  in  and  after  she  had 
rested  a  little  while  swept  up  the  chips  and  shavings  left  on  the  floor 
from  the  baho  making  and  put  them  into  a  blanket,  threw  a  pinch  of 
meal  on  them  and  carried  them  out,  casting  them  on  the  ground  close  to 
the  kiva.  A  little  later  another  woman  brought  some  young,  green  corn- 
stalks, a  few  green  sprigs  of  squash  and  beans,  a  peach  twig  with  some 
green  peaches  on  it,  and  some  watermelon  and  musk  melon  runners, 
etc.,  which  she  placed  on  the  floor  near  the  altar. 

Several  other  men  come  in  on  this  day  to  prepare  special  objects. 
One  of  these  is  supposed  to  belong  to  the  Bow  clan.  On  one  occasion 
it  was  an  old  man  by  the  name  of  Nakwahoyoma.  He  prepared  two 
sets  of  four  arrows  each,  (see  Plate  XXX,  a)  and  also  got  two  wrist 
protectors.  The  arrows  are  made  of  reed,  with  points  of  hard  wood 
which  he  painted  red,  pressing  on  the  wet  paint  a  little  powder  of 
specular  iron.  The  wrist  protectors  are  made  of  old  elk,  buffalo  or 
heavy  deer-skin  and  are  about  four  inches  wide.  To  these  are  sewn 
bone  plates  about  two  inches  wide,  their  length  being  the  same  as  the 
width  of  the  leather  part  of  the  protector.  These  bones  are  supposed 
to  be  cut  out  of  the  scapulas  of  slain  enemies  or  of  bears.  He  handed 
these  objects  to  two  women  who  said,  askwali,  (thanks),  and  placed 
them  on  the  floor  and  the  man  smoked  over  them.  Some  one  had 
also  brought  in  two  old  bows  and  two  long  sticks  and  two  wheels  or 
rings,  about  seven  inches  in  diameter.  The  arrows  were  placed  with 
these  objects.  One  of  the  men  formed  a  part  of  the  green  corn-stalks 
and  vines,  mentioned  before,  into  a  compact  bundle  about  sixteen 
inches  long  and  about  six  inches  in  diameter,  by  tying  four  strands  of 
yucca  leaves  around  them.  To  each  string  he  had  tied  a  nakwakwosi; 
to  those  at  each  end  one  of  a  "red  eagle"  (hawk)  feather,  to  one  of 
the  others  one  of  an  eagle,  and  to  the  last  one,  one  of  a  turkey  feather. 
This  bundle  is  also  placed  on  the  floor  with  the  bows,  arrows,  etc. 
In  the  meantime  Navini  had  prepared  a  shaft  or  wand  about  three 
feet  long,  to  the  point  end  of  which  he  fastened  two  black-tipped  eagle 
tail  feathers  and  some  other  feathers  of  various  colors.     Along  the 


PL.   XVII. 

A.  Chief  priestess  with  the  shield  on  her  back. 

B.  The  same  in  the  dance  circle.     Also  showing  two  Marau-Takas  preparing 
food  balls. 


1 

TTar~'- 

■:/ 

*?**V      ♦ 

™1 

'*•  3ffl 

rev 

•KiaTi 

fc^I 

^Mft^^ 

^^^ 

*d 

j& 

PL.   XVIII.      MARAU-VAHOS. 

1.  The  terraced  upper  end  represents  a  cloud  with  a  drawing  of  a  cloud  and 
falling  rain  on  it.  Below  this  is  a  picture  of  Muyingwu,  the  Deity  of  Growth, 
perched  on  a  rainbow.  Under  this  are  three  towering  clouds  also  on  a  rainbow. 
At  the  lower  end  is  an  ear  of  corn. 

2.  Reverse  side  of  a  children's  baho,  showing  the  usual  turkey  feather,  and 
kunya  and  ma6vi  sprig. 

3.  Cloud  symbol  above,  three  towering  clouds  in  the  middle  and  above  and 
below  the  latter  the  rainbow  symbol.     At  the  lower  end  an  ear  of  corn. 

4.  Children's  baho  with  a  cloud  and  corn-ear  symbol. 

5.  The  symbolism  is  the  same  as  No.  1  with  the  exception  of  the  cloud  symbol. 

6.  Children's  baho  with  a  picture  of  a  cloud  and  a  carved  ear  of  corn. 

The  lines  on  the  reverse  side  of  I,  3  and  5  denote  tracks,  according  to  some 
of  deities;  according  to  others,  of  birds. 

With  rare  exceptions,  these  symbols  are  the  only  ones  used  in  Oraibi,  while  in 
the  other  villages  many  others  may  be  seen,  some  of  which  are  probably  late  innova- 
tions. 


Feb.,  1912.     The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  59 


J  shaft  runs  a  string  of  red  fringes,  made  of  a  horse's  mane,  the  string 
being  fastened  to  each  end  of  the  shaft.     This  wand  is  used  by  a  priestess 

1  in  the  public  performance  the  next  day  (see  Plates  XIX  and  XX). 

I  The  men  also  fixed  up  an  old  square  shield  (see  Plate  XVII),  which  is 
about  16  inches  long  and  about  12  inches  wide  at  the  top,  and  about 
10  inches  at  the  bottom.     This  shield  is  called  bawayoykashi.     The 

j  name  refers  to  copious  rains  or  rain  water.     (A  similar  shield,  worn 

I  by  Flute-priests,  is  called  the  same.)  It  is  made  of  a  framework  of 
sticks  over  which  old  native  cloth  is  stretched.  The  two  flat  side 
pieces  are  slightly  bent  at  the  top,  forming  crooks  as  it  were.  Along 
the  upper  edge  are  fastened  small  red  feathers  and  in  the  centre  a 
bunch  of  larger  white  fuzzy  eagle  feathers.  Along  the  lower  edge  is 
fastened  a  string  of  red  horsehair,  two  eagle  tail  feathers  being  sus- 
pended at  the  middle  of  the  lower  rim.  The  upper  half  of  the  shield 
is  painted  green,  the  lower  half  red,  the  bent  portion  of  the  side  pieces 
of  the  frame,  yellow.  On  the  lower  end  of  each  of  these  slabs  is  painted 
an  ear  of  corn.  In  the  middle  of  the  shield  is  depicted  a  figure  with  a 
human  face,  but  otherwise  resembling  an  eagle.  This  picture  evidently 
represents  Muyingwuu,  the  God  of  Germination,  who  plays  such  a 
conspicuous  part  in  the  Hopi  ceremoniology  under  different  names.1 
When  this  shield  is  finished  it  is  placed  west  of  the  altar. 

Furthermore,  the  four  peculiar  headdresses  which  are  worn  on  the 
next  day  by  four  priestesses,  as  will  be  described  later,  are  prepared  on 
this  day.  They  consist  of  a  ring  of  tightly  twisted  strands  of  black  and 
green  yarn.  Into  this  ring  are  inserted  at  three  different  places  sticks 
about  1 8  inches  long,  the  upper  ends  of  which  are  tied  together  so  that 
a  pyramid-shaped  frame  is  formed.  To  the  apex  is  fastened  a  bunch 
of  long,  red  horsehair,  a  parrot  feather  and  two  eagle  tail  feathers. 
On  each  side  of  the  ring  is  fastened  horizontally  another  eagle  tail 
feather,  the  tips  pointing  backward.  To  the  quill  ends  are  also  attached 
small  bunches  of  eagle  feathers.  To  the  front  of  the  ring  is  fastened  a 
roll  of  corn-husks  which  is  tightly  wound  with  black  and  white  yarn 
so  that  long  black  and  white  squares  are  formed.  Around  each  end 
of  this  roll  is  wound  a  small  amount  of  loose  red  wool  and  into  each  end 
are  thrust  two  large  and  a  number  of  small  hawk  feathers  (see  Plates 
XXI  and  XXII). 

In  the  ceremony  of  1903  a  peculiar  ceremonial  costume  was  pre- 
pared in  addition  to  the  above  named  objects.  This  consisted,  first, 
of  a  cap,  made  of  a  band  of  rawhide,  to  fit  around  the  head,  to  which 

1  The  personage  which  is  usually  called  Alosaka  in  some  of  the  other  villages  is,  in  my  opinion, 
identical  with  this  deity.  The  figurine  Chowilawuu  on  the  Oraibi  Powamu  altar  seems  to  represent 
the  same  deity  and  at  the  Katcina  initiation,  during  the  Powmau  ceremony,  Muyingwuu  is  represented 
by  the  chief  Powamu  priest  (see  "The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony"  by  H.  R.  Voth,  PI.  LVII). 


60      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

were  tied  one  band  running  from  ear  to  ear  over  the  head  and  another 
running  from  the  forehead  to  the  back  of  the  head.  To  each  side  was 
fastened  a  flap,  about  ten  inches  long  and  about  four  inches  wide, 
rounded  at  the  upper  end.  These  consisted  of  a  simple  frame  made 
of  sticks  over  which  was  stretched  a  piece  of  white  cloth.  The  rim 
or  border  of  the  flaps  was  black  and  had  a  sprig  of  herb  or  grass  attached 
to  it.  The  second  part  of  the  costume  consisted  of  four  squares,  each 
made  of  four  sticks  of  reed,  about  18  inches  long,  the  ends  of  two  pieces 
being  tied  together  at  each  corner  of  the  square.  To  each  corner  was 
fastened  an  oblong  piece  of  gourd  shell  with  rounded  corners  which 
were  painted  as  follows : 

First  Square:  First  piece,  concave  side  white,  with  a  black  line 
in  the  middle  from  which  short  black  lines  ran  upwards  like  branches 
on  a  tree;  black  spots  on  the  convex  side.  Second  piece,  concave  side 
black,  with  two  yellow  parallel  lines  running  from  end  to  end  and 
yellow  spots  on  the  convex  side.  Third  piece,  white  on  concave  side 
and  the  lines  as  well  as  the  spots  being  black.  Fourth  piece,  concave 
side  yellow  with  two  black  (?)  lines;  spots  on  concave  side  yellow. 

Second  Square:  First  piece,  concave  side  white,  two  black  lines; 
the  spots  on  the  convex  side  also  black.  Second  piece,  right  half 
green,  left  half  white,  with  a  black  line  between  the  two,  and  yellow 
spots  on  the  convex  side.  Third  piece,  concave  side,  marked  the 
same  as  the  first  piece  in  the  first  square.  Fourth  piece,  concave  side, 
right  half  yellow,  left  half  green,  with  green  spots  on  the  obverse  side. 

Third  Square:  First  piece,  white  with  two  black  parallel  lines,  the 
spots  on  the  obverse  side  also  being  black.  Second  piece,  the  same  as 
the  first.  Third  piece,  concave  side  green  with  a  black  cloud  symbol 
in  the  centre  and  black  spots  on  the  convex  side.  Fourth  piece,  white 
on  concave  side,  with  the  same  marks  on  both  sides  as  the  first  piece 
in  the  first  square. 

Fourth  Square:  First  piece,  concave  side  white  with  a  small,  black 
cloud  symbol  in  centre  and  black  spots  on  the  convex  side.  Second 
piece  white  with  two  yellow  parallel  lines  on  concave  and  yellow  spots 
on  the  convex  side.  Third  piece,  concave  side  white  with  two  black 
parallel  lines  on  concave  side  and  black  spots  on  convex.  Fourth  piece 
the  same  as  the  second,  only  with  black  spots  instead  of  yellow. 

The  convex  side  of  all  pieces  was  alike  except  the  spots,  but  my 
notes  fail  to  state  whether  all  were  white  or  left  in  the  natural  color. 
I  have  reasons  to  believe  that  the  first  was  the  case.  To  each  corner 
of  the  squares  were  tied  small  bunches  of  grasses  and  herbs. 

It  will  be  noticed,  that  all  of  the  five  ceremonial  colors  (yellow, 
green,  red,  white  and  black)  were  used  except  red,  the  color  of  the 


PL.  XIX. 

A.  The  chief  priestess  with  the  wand  emerging  from  the  kiva. 

B.  The  same  returning  from  the  plaza,  where  the  public  performances  take 
place. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  XX. 

A 


PL.  XX. 

A.  The  Wand  priestess  in  the  dance  circle. 

B.  The  early  morning  dance  with  corn-stalks. 


Feb.,  191 2.     The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  61 

south,  but  I  do  not  believe  that  this  was  omitted  intentionally.  The 
men  probably  did  not  happen  to  have  that  color.  It  will  also  be 
noticed  that  apparently  no  regularity  as  to  the  arrangement  of  the 
colors  was  observed.  The  fact  that  this  costume  had  not  been 
made  and  used  for  many  years,  and  that  the  men  who  made  it 
were  inexperienced,  probably  accounts  for  some  of  the  irregular- 
ities.1 

The  men  furthermore  tied  many  twigs  of  green  cotton,  fresh  melon 
and  squash  vines,  small  corn-stalks,  etc.,  to  cotton  strings  and  many 
nakwakwosis  to  the  vines,  to  be  used  the  next  day  by  the  so-called 
"Rabbit  Mother"  for  her  costume. 

At  about  noon  four,  sometimes  five,  women  place  the  following 
objects  on  the  floor  east  of  the  fireplace:  The  four  pyramid-shaped 
headdresses,  the  two  bows  with  the  eight  arrows,  the  two  long  sticks, 
the  two  wheels,  the  bunch  of  vines  and  the  two  wrist  protectors.  Be- 
tween these  is  placed  a  medicine  bowl,  the  usual  six  meal  lines,  north, 
west,  south,  east,  north-east  (above)  and  south-west  (below),  which 
run  to  a  common  centre,  first  being  made.  The  women  squat  around 
these  objects,  one  of  them  takes  the  two  short  bow  sticks  that  had  been 
lying  on  the  east  side  of  the  altar,  another  the  two  that  had  been  lying 
on  the  west  side,  and  also  an  ear  of  corn.  A  third  and  fourth  woman, 
each  take  one  of  the  sticks  with  the  little  wheels  that  are  leaning 
against  the  arms  of  the  figurines  during  the  ceremonies.  If  more 
women  participate  they  hold  an  ear  of  corn  in  their  hand.  These 
women  now  sing  rather  quietly  several  songs,  beating  time  on  the  kiva 
floor  with  the  end  of  the  sticks,  and  occasionally  dipping  them  into  the 
medicine  bowl  and  then  asperging  with  them.  The  object  of  the 
singing  is  evidently  to  consecrate  these  articles  (see  Plate  XVI,  b). 
When  the  singing  is  over  the  objects  are  all  placed  near  the  altar  which 
the  chief  priest  has  in  the  meantime  reconstructed  (see  Plate  XIII). 
Several  other  special  objects  had  been  prepared  in  the  meantime; 
among  others  a  small  ring  into  which  were  thrust  four  artificial  flowers 
and  a  number  of  fuzzy  eagle  feathers;2  and  also  a  blue  shirt,  both  to 
be  worn  by  one  of  the  priestesses  the  next  day.  Wick  way  a  has  also 
made  the  usual  bahos  and  nakwakwosis  (see  Plate  XXX),  for 
the  offering  at  the  spring  in  the  afternoon.  He  probably  makes  the 
usual  offerings  for  the  sun  too,  but  that  was  not  specially  noted  as  the 
preparations  of  special  paraphernalia  kept  the  observer  fully  occupied 
during  the  forenoon  hours.  When  all  these  special  objects  are  com- 
pleted the  remaining  vines  are  taken  out ;  any  ears  that  may  be  on  the 

'  See  also  the  first  footnote  on  page  45. 

1  Similar  head  ornaments  are  worn  by  the  flute  players  in  the  Flute  ceremony  and  others. 


62      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

green  stalks  are  given  to  the  older  priestesses,  and  the  refuse  on  the 
floor  is  swept  up  and  carried  out. 

Soon  after  the  noon  meal  the  priestess,  occupying  the  place  No.  8 
in  the  ceremonies,  places  the  medicine  bowl  in  front  of  the  altar,  first 
making  the  six  direction  lines  with  meal  and  then  putting  the  six  ears 
of  corn,  their  companions,  small  stones,  etc.,  around  it  and  a  little 
quantity  of  powdered  herb  into  a  corn-husk. 

While  all  this  is  going  on  in  the  kiva  friends  and  relatives  of  the 
participants  are  repainting  and  generally  repairing  the  old  marau- 
vahos  1  that  are  to  be  used  the  next  day  (see  Plate  XVIII).  Or  when 
it  is  necessary  new  ones  are  made.  On  one  occasion  I  noticed  that 
the  chief  priest  made  some  small  black  bahos  in  the  kiva,  that  are 
attached  to  the  upper  end  of  the  wide  slabs.  Later  in  the  day  the 
women  bring  these  Marau-vahos  or  slabs  into  the  kiva,  where  they 
are  placed  against  the  wall  on  the  banquettes  in  the  north  end  of  the 
kiva. 

At  about  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  chief  priest  hands  to  two 
priestesses  the  usual  prayer  offerings  and  other  objects  again  and  sends 
them  to  two  different  springs  after  water  to  be  used  in  the  ceremony 
and  discharms  them  when  they  return,  all  in  the  same  manner  as  has 
already  been  described  under  the  notes  of  the  fourth  day. 

At  about  five  o'clock  p.  m.  the  ceremony  commences.  It  is  essen- 
tially the  same  as  that  on  the  afternoon  of  the  first  day,  only  there 
are  now  more  men  and  women  present  than  on  any  previous  day. 
On  one  occasion  I  counted  thirty- two,  including  the  ten  leaders  and 
a  few  small  children.  At  about  five  o'clock  the  altar  ceremony  com- 
mences. No.  8  first  sprinkles  the  meal  line  from  the  east  side  of  the 
altar  to  the  east  side  of  the  ladder,  casting  also  a  pinch  towards  the 
hatch-way.  The  chief  priest  then  stands  up  and  discharms  the  freshly 
put  up  altar  by  humming  a  song  and  sprinkling  meal  on  a  buzzard 
feather  and  brushing  it  off  six  times.  After  he  has  spoken  a  brief 
prayer  the  singing  commences.  During  the  first  song  No.  8  rubs  the 
four  meal  lines  to  the  four  kiva  walls  and  throws  a  pinch  of  meal  against 
one  of  the  joists  and  another  pinch  on  the  floor.  During  the  second 
song  No.  8  sprinkles  some  powder  of  crushed  berries  along  the  ears  of 
corn  and  then  put  the  corn-ears  and  their  "husbands  "  (the  old  aspergills, 
that  lie  by  their  side)  into  the  medicine  bowl  on  end,  and  pours  the 
water,  that  was  gotten  in  the  netted  gourd  vessels  from  two  springs 
by  the  two  priestesses,  over  these  objects  into  the  bowl  and  then  re- 
places them.  While  the  third  song  is  chanted  No.  7  sprinkles  a  pinch 
of  corn-pollen  along  the  corn-ear  on  the  north  side  and  into  the  bowl 

1  In  compound  words  the  b  in  baho  is  changed  to  v. 


PL.   XXI. 

A.  The  Archers  emerging  from  the  kiva  to  go  to  the  dance  plaza. 

B.  The  same  returning  to  the  kiva. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  XXI. 

A 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  XXII. 


PL.   XXII. 

A.  The  Lancers  leaving  the  kiva  for  the  plaza. 

B.  The  same  at  work  with  the  lances  and  wheels. 


Feb.,  191 2.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  63 

and  then  bends  forward  in  a  kneeling  position  and  whistles  through 
a  bone  whistle  into  the  medicine  bowl  (see  Plate  IX,  b).  This  she 
repeats  for  all  the  other  directions.  During  the  fourth  song  No.  3  dips 
the  north  corn-ear  and  its  husband  into  the  liquid  in  the  medicine  bowl 
and  asperges  towards  the  altar.  She  also  repeats  this  with  the  re- 
maining five  directions.  While  the  fifth  song  is  being  sung  No.  2  takes 
the  two  small  bow  sticks  from  the  west  side  of  the  altar,  No.  10  those 
from  the  east  side,  No.  7  the  two  sticks  with  the  grass  wheel  from  the 
figurines  on  the  west  side,  and  No.  9  those  from  the  east  side  figurine, 
and  all  beat  time  with  these  objects  by  striking  them  endwise  on  the 
floor.  At  the  sixth  song  all  throw  a  pinch  of  meal  towards  the  altar 
six  times.  While  the  women  chant  the  seventh  song  the  chief  priest 
takes  a  pinch  of  honey  into  his  mouth  and  then  blows  smoke  from  his 
cloud  blower  over  the  altar. 

Nine  songs  then  follow  during  which  no  special  rites  take  place, 
except  sprinkling  of  the  liquid  from  the  medicine  bowl  with  an  aspergill, 
by  No.  8,  at  the  end  of  each  song.  During  the  seventeenth  song  the 
waving  of  a  stick  from  the  altar  by  No.  1  is  gone  through  again  as  on 
the  first  day.  In  fact,  the  entire  altar  ceremony  of  this  day  is  an  exact 
repetition  of  that  of  the  first  day.  On  other  days  only  sixteen  songs 
are  chanted,  the  one  during  which  the  meal  lines  on  the  walls  are  made 
at  the  beginning  of  the  ceremony  being  omitted.  After  these  altar 
rites  are  concluded  in  the  usual  way  by  a  brief  prayer  by  the  chief 
priest,  responses  and  sprinkling  of  meal  by  all  the  rest,  there  is  a  recess, 
during  which  the  men  smoke,  the  women  rest  or  go  to  their  houses. 

At  about  six  o'clock  the  chief  priestess  takes  one  of  the  bunches  of 
feathers  that  forms  the  natsi  in  her  right  hand,  an  ear  of  corn  in  her 
left.  Her  assistant  takes  a  tray  with  sacred  meal  and,  being  followed 
by  most  of  the  other  women,  each  of  whom  have  an  ear  of  corn,  they 
proceed  to  the  plaza  where  the  public  performances  are  to  take  place 
the  following  day.  Here  some  prayer-meal  is  sprinkled  towards  the 
small  shrine  by  the  assistant  priestess  and  all  then  go  through  the 
same  kind  of  a  dance  as  they  perform  the  next  day,  waving  the  arms 
•and  the  ears  of  corn  in  the  same  manner  as  they  wave  the  large  Marau 
slabs  on  the  succeeding  day. 

When  they  return  to  the  kiva  the  evening  meal  is  eaten  in  the  kiva 
by  all  participants. 

The  proceedings  from  the  evening  meal  until  about  two-thirty  o'clock 
in  the  night  have  not  been  observed,  but  from  information,  which  I 
believe  to  be  reliable,  I  infer,  that  the  same  ceremonies  inside  and  out- 
side of  the  kiva  took  place  as  during  the  night  between  the  fourth  and 
fifth  day  of  this  and  the  winter  ceremony  (see  pages  31  and  56). 


64      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

Ninth  Day  (Nalosh  tala,  Fourth  Day).1 

This   day's   proceedings   have  been   observed  as   already   statec 
from  about  2:30  in  the  morning  only.     The  altar  ceremonies  having 
been  concluded,  the  altar  paraphernalia  are  wrapped  up  in  bundles 
at  about  that  time  and  taken  out  by  the  chief  priest  to  the  ancestra 
home  of  the  Lizard  clan  where  they  are  put  away  in  one  of  the  inner 
rooms  which  is  almost  entirely  dark.     On  one  occasion  I  noticed  No. 
taking  out  her  netted  gourd  vessel  at  about  this  time,  but  she  probablj 
only  took  it  to  her  house.     Suds   of  crushed  yucca  roots  are  no\ 
prepared  in  different  bowls  by  the  women,  and  a  general  washing  of  the 
corn-ear  mothers  and  of  the  heads  of  all  present  takes  place.     Some 
wash  their  own  heads.     Those  who  have  brought  in  novices  for  initia 
tion  during  the  ceremony  wash  the  heads  of  the  latter,  and  the  chie 
priestess  then  sprinkles  with  the  old  aspergill  a  little  water  from  the 
medicine  bowl  on  the  head  of  every  novice.2     Some  of  the  womei 
wave  their  corn-ear  mothers  towards  them  and  express  a  good  wis' 
or  benediction. 

Soon  some  women  take  the  four  pyramid-shaped  headdresses  thai 
were  prepared  on  the  previous  day  to  the  Blue  Flute  kiva  where  the 
four  women,  who  are  to  act  as  the  so-called  Marau-Takas  (Marau- 
Men),  are  putting  on  their  paint  and  getting  their  costumes  ready 
The  two  long  sticks  and  the  two  wheels  which  two  of  the  women  use 
later  in  the  day,  the  bows  and  arrows,  and  the  bundle  of  vines  tied  ui 
the  day  before,  are  placed  near  the  fire-place.  I  was  told  that  the  olc 
buckskin  which  is  wrapped  around  those  wheels,  was  cut  from  the 
clothing  of  slain  enemies  long  ago.3  The  men  who  have  attended  tc 
the  fire  during  the  ceremony,  clean  out  the  fire-place.  First,  however 
one  of  them  takes  out  a  burning  stick,  places  it  on  a  trail  about  twelve 
yards  south-east  of  the  kiva  and  sprinkles  a  pinch  of  corn-meal  on  it. 
Returning  into  the  kiva  he  throws  a  little  sweet -corn-meal  on  the 
fire-place.  He  then  takes  out  the  embers  and  ashes  and  deposits 
them  a  short  distance  west  of  the  kiva  and  with  it  a  nakwakwosi.  One 
of  the  men  then  builds  a  new  fire. 

Meantime  about  twenty  young  men  have  gone  to  the  corn-fields 
in  the  valley  and  shortly  before  sunrise  bring  to  the  kiva  bunches  oi 

1  Also  called  Tikivee  (Dance)  because  the  public  dance  takes  place  on  this  day. 

2  This  "baptizing"  of  novices  I  have  also  noticed  at  the  initiation  into  the  Powamu  fraternity 
(See  my  paper  on  "The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony,"  page  102).  Whether  this  is  an  original  Hopi 
rite  or  perhaps  adopted  from  early  Spanish  missionaries,  might  be  a  question.  The  Hopi  priests, 
course,  disavow  the  latter,  and  in  my  opinion  it  is  highly  improbable  that  they  would  have  adopted 
religious  rites  of  this  nature  from  a  people  whom  they  considered  and  treated  as  enemies. 

»  I  have  been  told  the  same  concerning  the  rolls  on  some  old  bandoliers.     (See  also  '  'The  Oraibi 
Soyal  Ceremony,"  pages  22,  footnote,  and  23  by  Dorsey  and  Voth). 


PL.   XXIII. 


A.  The  two  Archers  carrying  meal  to  the  plaza. 

B.  The  same,  forming  food  balls. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.   XXIII 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  XXIV. 


PL.  XXIV. 

The  two  Lancers  returning  from  the  plaza  to  the  kiva. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.  XXV. 


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'^1  EhImXi               IB 

yT^P" 

1  If 

?1S       - 

WL   V|    y 

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pi 

V 

« 

WK^jL*—^^ 

PL.  XXV. 
The  Wand  priestess  leaving  the  dance  circle  to  return  to  the  kiva. 


Feb.,  1912.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  65 

corn-stalks  with  the  young  ears  on  them.  Several  women  receive  them 
at  the  kiva  and  place  the  stalks,  with  many  askawalis  (thanks),  against 
the  kiva. 

At  about  six  o'clock  the  chief  priest  takes  down  the  natsi  and  on  one 
occasion  one  of  the  women  brought  into  the  kiva  a  bowl  with  water 
and  a  dark  powder  (called  muit  sikwiata)  for  use,  I  think,  in  the  final 
discharming  rite. 

While  all  this  is  going  on,  more  women  have  been  coming  into  the 
kiva  wearing  their  white  ceremonial  blankets  (with  red  and  dark  blue 
borders  on  two  sides),  their  faces  daubed  with  sacred  meal. 

The  chief  priest  now  places  the  medicine  bowl  and  the  six  ears 
of  corn  near  the  sticks,  bows,  etc.,  north  of  the  fire-place,  and  he  and 
the  other  men  squat  down  around  the  fire-place.  Usually  there  are 
about  six  men  in  the  kiva  by  this  time.  They  wait  until  the  women 
have  all  come  in.  The  latter  then  arrange  themselves  in  an  oblong 
circle,  the  chief  priestess  standing  cast  of  the  ladder,  and  then  the 
corn-stalks  are  handed  in;  two  women  are  outside,  two  on  the  ladder 
and  one  hands  a  bunch  to  each  woman,  who  holds  it  with  the  stub 
end  resting  on  the  floor.  The  women  have  in  the  meantime  com- 
menced to  sing  and  the  men  smoke.  The  chief  priest  gives  to  each 
woman  a  pinch  of  meal  and  sprinkles  them  with  water  from  the  medi- 
cine bowl.  When  the  corn  has  been  distributed,  the  five  Marau-Takas 
come  over  from  the  Flute  kiva  and  take  a  position  west  of  the  fire-place 
within  the  circle,  formed  by  the  other  women.  Each  wear  a  man's 
blue  woolen  shirt,  such  as  now  are  worn  usually  in  ceremonies  only. 
The  first  in  the  line  wears  on  her  back  the  ikwilna  or  green  shield 
described  on  a  previous  page.  On  her  head  she  wears  the  lan-kopa- 
choki  described  in  the  notes  of  the  eighth  day.  She  also  wears  a  man's 
ceremonial  kilt  and  sash,  from  which  is  suspended  behind  a  fox  skin; 
man's  ankle  bands,  a  woman's  belt,  many  beads,  etc.  In  her  left  hand 
she  carries  the  wand  with  the  horse-mane  fringes,  nothing  in  her  right 
hand,  but  from  the  wrist  is  also  suspended  a  fox  skin. 

Next  in  the  line  are  the  two  archers  to  whom  are  handed  the  bows 
and  arrows  and  the  bundle  of  vines,  the  wrist  protectors  having  been 
put  on  their  wrists  before.  Then  follow  the  two  lancers  to  whom  the 
two  long  sticks,  which  in  all  probability  represent  lances,  and  the  two 
rings  are  handed  by  the  man  who  prepared  the  bows,  arrows,  etc.,  and 
who  also  thrusts  an  ear  of  corn  behind  the  belt  on  the  back  of  each 
woman.  These  four  women  also  wear  a  blue  shirt,  sash,  kilt,  woman's 
belt,  fox  skin,  beads,  etc.,  but  on  the  head  they  wear  the  pyramid- 
shaped  headdresses  (Marau-vitanaksi).  All  five  have  a  black  line 
painted  around  the  legs  right  above  the  knee,  another  one  around  the 


66      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XL 

thigh,  the  two  circles  being  connected  by  four  black  lines.  The  lower 
part  of  the  legs  and  the  fore-arms  and  the  face  are  painted  bright  yellow. 
The  chief  priest  and  one  of  the  other  men  now  asperge  all  the  women 
from  the  medicine  bowl  and  then  the  women  file  out  of  the  kiva  to 
the  public  plaza,  the  chief  priestess  heading  the  line;  Pungnyanomsi, 
who  is  No.  i  in  the  altar  ceremonies,  being  the  second.  In  a  few 
minutes  the  five  Marau-Takas  follow  the  priestess  with  the  wand  (see 
Plate  XIX),  who  heads  the  dancers  on  the  plaza,  holding  the  lowei 
end  of  the  wand  in  her  left  hand  and  leaning  it  backward  in  her  bent 
arm  (see  Plate  XX,  a),  which  she  moves  to  the  time  of  the  singing. 
The  dancers  have  in  the  meantime  thrown  a  part  of  the  corn-stalks 
on  the  ground  within  the  dance  circle,  keeping  a  few  stalks  in  their 
hands  and  waving  them  to  the  time  of  the  singing  (see  Plate  XX,  b). 
The  two  Archers  have  by  this  time  arrived  from  the  kiva  (see  Plate  XXI), 
throwing  the  bundle  of  vines,  of  which  mention  has  already  been  made 
several  times,  a  short  distance  before  them  on  the  ground  and  shooting 
their  arrows  at  it.  In  this  manner  they  make  their  way  towards, 
around,  and  finally  into  the  circle.  The  two  Lancers  follow  them  (see 
Plate  XXII,  a)  to  the  plaza  where  they  are  going  through  the  same 
performance  as  the  two  Archers,  throwing  the  two  wheels  before  them, 
and  when  they  have  come  to  within  a  few  yards  of  the  wheels  they  cast 
the  sticks  towards  them,  pick  the  objects  up  (see  Plate  XXII)  ane 
keep  repeating  this;  when  they  have  also  worked  their  way  to  the  circle, 
they  throw  the  sticks  and  wheels  over  the  heads  of  the  dancers  inte 
the  circle  and  leave  them  there  on  the  ground.  They  then  proceed  tc 
a  house  near  by.1  Here  a  woman  hands  to  one  a  bowl  with  sweet-corn- 
meal  and  to  the  other  a  bowl  of  water  which  they  carry  inside  the  dance 
circle  (see  Plate  XXIII,  a).  There  they  kneel  on  opposite  sides  of  the 
bowls,  pour  the  water  on  the  meal  and  make  a  dough  (see  Plate  XXIII, 
b).  Of  this  dough  they  form  balls,  about  the  size  of  a  duck  egg.  When 
all  the  dough  has  been  formed  into  balls  the  two  women  go  arounc 
inside  of  the  circle  and  throw  the  balls  over  the  heads  of  the  dancers 
among  the  spectators,  who  run,  scramble,  and  wrangle  for  them  from 
all  sides.  In  the  throwing  of  the  balls  the  two  archers  participate, 
whereupon  they  leave  through  a  street  east  of  the  plaza  (see  Plate 
XXIV),  while  the  Lancers  leave  through  another  one,  west  of  the  plaza. 
The  man  who  prepared  the  bows  and  arrows  on  the  previous  days 
gathers  up  the  arrows,  and,  I  think,  hands  them  to  the  archers.  When 
these  leave,  the  woman  with  the  wand  also  leaves  (see  Plate  XXV). 
She,  as  well  as  the  four  other  Marau-Takas,  disrobe  in  the  Flute  kiva 
and  then  proceed  in  their  usual  garments  to  the  Marau  kiva.     A 

1  On  the  occasions  when  I  observed  this  ceremony  this  was  the  house  of  Lololumai,  the  village  chief. 


PL.  XXVI. 
The  performance  on  the  plaza. 


* 


PL.  XXVII. 
The  Rabbit  Mother  in  full  costume. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  XXVII. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  XXVIII. 

A 


PL.  XXVIII. 

A.  The  women  returning  to  the  kiva. 

B.  The  Marau-vahos  outside  of  the  kiva  between  the  performances  on  the 
plaza. 


Feb.,  191 2.     The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  67 

few  minutes  after  these  have  left,  the  dancers  throw  their  corn-stalks 
on  the  ground  and  also  repair  to  the  kiva,  the  chief  priestess  walking 
at  the  head  of  the  line.  The  stalks  are  eagerly  picked  up  by  the  crowd 
of  spectators. 

While  the  dance  is  in  progress  one  of  the  men  in  the  kiva  takes  out 
the  medicine  bowl  and  empties  the  contents  on  the  pile  of  sand  that 
had  formed  the  altar  ridge.  One  takes  the  tray  with  sweet-corn-meal 
out.  Another  man  has  brought  in  a  dry  juniper  twig  to  be  used  later 
in  a  purification  ceremony. 

When  all  the  women  have  returned  to  the  kiva,  each  one  takes  a 
pinch  of  ashes  from  the  fire-place.  The  chief  priest,  chief  priestess 
and  her  assistant  hold  the  ashes  between  the  thumb  and  index  finger 
of  the  right  hand  and  then  hum  a  song,  waving  the  left  hand  up  and 
down  to  the  time  of  the  singing.  At  the  end  of  each  of  the  four  stanzas 
of  the  song  all  circle  the  hand  with  the  ashes  in  front  of  them,  throw 
it  toward  the  hatch-way,  and  then  spurt  in  different  directions.  .  One 
of  the  men  then  throws  the  dry  juniper  (or  cedar?)  twig  on  the  fire; 
the  smoke  is  supposed  to  purify  the  kiva  and  everything  in  it.  All 
dip  their  fingers  into  a  liquid  which  is  standing  in  a  bowl  on  the  floor, 
suck  the  fingers  and  then  crowd  towards  the  fire-place  so  that  the  smoke 
goes  over  their  bodies  as  much  as  possible.  This  they  also  do  with 
the  blankets,  sheepskins,  etc.,  that  have  been  used  as  bedding  during 
the  ceremony.  Finally  all  rub  their  bodies  and  limbs,  spurting  into 
their  hands  first  and  with  that  the  purification  ceremony  is  concluded. 
All  then  go  to  their  houses  for  the  morning  meal.  The  chief  priest 
and  priestess  take  out  what  may  be  left  yet  of  the  objects  used  in  the 
ceremony.  Only  the  corn-cone  (see  Plate  XIII),  prepared  by  the 
women  on  the  fourth  day,  remains. 

After  breakfast  the  performances  on  the  plaza  are  resumed  (see 
Plate  XXVI).  About  eight  performances  usually  take  place  during 
the  day.  They  are  essentially  the  same  as  the  one  in  the  morning, 
only  the  women  use  their  Marau-vahos,  or  slabs,  instead  of  corn-stalks 
(see  Plates  XVIII  and  XXVIII,  b).  Every  woman  has  one  slab  in 
each  hand.  These  she  holds  by  the  short  handle  at  the  lower  end,  the 
decorated  side  forward,  and  waves  them  up  and  down  and  from  side 
to  side  to  the  time  of  the  singing.  The  performance  is  not  so  much  a 
dance  as  a  procession,  the  women  moving  slowly  sideways  from  right 
to  left.  A  small  gap  is  usually  left  in  the  circle  at  the  place  where  the 
priestess  with  the  wand  has  her  position  for  the  Marau-Takas  to  pass 
through  (see  Plate  XXVI). 

The  women,  acting  as  Marau-Takas,  usually  change  for  each 
performance;  now  and  then  some  will  act  in  several  performances.     I 


68      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

noticed  that  it  was  sometimes  not  easy  to  get  volunteers  for  this  part 
of  the  ceremony  on  account  of  them  being  obliged  to  expose  their  limbs 
more  or  less.  While  the  men  are  almost  entirely  nude  in  all  ceremonies, 
I  have  never  known  a  woman  to  expose  her  body  or  limbs  more  than 
the  Marau-Takas  do  on  this  occasion,  nor  have  I  heard  of  any  rite  or 
ceremony  where  the  Hopi  women  or  priestesses  are  obliged  to  sacrifice 
their  sense  of  modesty  and  propriety. 

On  the  ninth  day  of  the  ceremony  of  1901  I  noticed  a  marked 
deviation  from  the  usage  in  the  ceremonies  of  other  years.  The  Wand 
priestess  received  a  different  costume  soon  after  the  morning  meal. 
Instead  of  the  blossom  headdress  mentioned  under  the  notes  of  the 
eighth  day  she  put  on  the  one  with  the  two  flaps  or  ears  that  was  also 
prepared  on  the  eighth  day,  as  previously  described.  The  four  reed 
squares,  also  described  there,  she  wore  in  the  form  of  bandoleers,  two 
over  each  shoulder.  Then  she  was  almost  literally  covered  with  the 
vines  and  young  corn-stalks  that  had  been  fastened  to  strings  on  the 
previous  afternoon.  Her  face,  forearms  and  the  lower  part  of  her 
legs  were  daubed  grayish  white.  The  blue  shirt,  kilt,  sash,  woman's 
belt,  anklets,  moccasins,  etc.,  she  wore  as  usual.  In  addition  to  the 
wand  she  carried  a  corn-stalk  with  a  green  ear  of  corn  on  it  (see  Plates 
XXVII  and  XXIX,  b).1  Whether  the  two  Archers  appeared  in  any 
other  performance  except  the  one  before  the  morning  meal  I  am  unable 
to  say.  My  notes  only  mention  them  in  connection  with  that  one 
performance  while  they  do  mention  the  two  Lancers  repeatedly. 

Between  the  different  dances  the  women  returned  to  the  kiva  (see 
Plate  XXVIII,  a)  leaving  the  marau-slabs  outside  (see  Plate  XXVIII, 
b).  On  one  occasion  I  noticed  that  the  meal-balls  were  not  made  on 
the  plaza  but  were  brought  there  already  prepared  by  a  woman.  Occa- 
sionally the  Rabbit  Mother  joins  the  dances  in  the  circle  (see  Plate 
XXIX),  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Wand-Woman. 

In  the  afternoon  the  public  performances  are  sometimes  not  as 
elaborate  as  in  the  first  part  of  the  day.  Not  all  the  members  parti- 
cipate, some  being  detained  by  household  duties,  other  by  their  small 
children,  etc.  I  have  even  noticed  the  Wand- Woman  and  the  Marau- 
Takas  remain  away  from  some  of  these  dances,  later  in  the  day.  They 
seem  to  be  of  a  less  serious  nature  than  the  earlier  ones.  The  songs 
sometimes  seem  to  be  of  a  humorous  kind  and  frequently  cause  hilarity 
and  laughter  among  the  spectators.  In  the  last  performance,  how- 
ever, generally  all  participate,  although  that,  too,  seems  to  be  more  for 
the  entertainment  of  the  crowd. 

The  burdensome  costume  of  the  "Rabbit  Mother"  was  taken  off 

1  This  personage  was  said  to  be  called  "Rabbit  Mother"  or  "Rabbit  Woman." 


PL.  XXIX. 

A.  The  Rabbit  Woman  in  the  circle. 

B.  The  same,  showing  the  corn-stalk. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  XXIX. 


PL.  XXX.   Various  Ceremonial  Objects. 

A.  Arrows  used  by  the  Archers. 

B.  Hawk  feather  nakwakwosis. 

C.  Turkey  feather  nakwakwosis. 

D.  Tiponi,  the  palladium  of  the  chief  priest  and  chief  priestess. 

E.  Sparrow  hawk  feathers  tied  to  sticks;  were  used  in  the  Marau  natsi. 

F.  A  common  baho. 

G.  A  single  black  baho  (chochokpi). 
H.  A  sun  baho. 

I.  A  road  (puhu,  or  puhtawi). 

K.  Yucca  leaf  wheel,  used  in  initiations. 


Pl.  XXXI.    Dismantling  the  Rabbit  woman. 

A.  Taking  off  the  costume. 

B.  Removing  the  headdress. 


PL.  XXXII.    The  Pookong  Shrine. 

A.  Exterior  view.  (The  figurines  were  taken  out  for  the  purpose  of  photo- 
graphing.    Otherwise  they  are  never  taken  out.) 

B.  Interior  view,  showing  the  Podkongs  (war  deities)  in  their  regular  position 
and  also  many  reed  arrows  with  wooden  points,  that  were  used  in  preceding  cere- 
monies. 


Feb.,  191 2.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  69 

outside  of  the  kiva,  late  in  the  afternoon  (see  Plate  XXXI).  After 
the,  last  performance  all  take  their  marau-vahos  (slabs)  into  the  kiva 
and  then  rest  on  the  banquettes. 

The  eight  arrows  are  taken  to  the  Pookong  kihu  (shrine  of  the  War 
God),  north  of  Oraibi  (see  Plate  XXXII). 

One  of  the  last  acts  of  the  entire  ceremony,  as  far  as  I  could  as- 
certain, is  the  breaking  up  of  the  corn-cone,  that  is  prepared  by  several 
women  on  the  fourth  day.  Every  woman  receives  a  small  piece  of 
the  cone  with  a  few  grains  of  corn  in  it.  This  they  hold  in  one  hand, 
covering  it  with  the  other  hand  for  a  few  minutes  in  deep  silence,  per- 
haps uttering  a  silent  prayer.    They  take  this  with  them  to  their  homes. 

In  conclusion  I  might  state  that,  in  going  through  my  notes  again, 
I  realize  more  than  ever  how  many  details  about  the  Hopi  ceremonies 
remain  to  be  studied  yet.  And  I  hope  that  some  one  may  be  able  to 
secure  what  is  lacking  in  our  knowledge  of  the  complicated,  rich  Hopi 
ceremoniology,  though  the  opportunities  for  this  are  far  less  favorable 
now  than  they  were  some  years  ago. 

SONGS  CHANTED   IN   THE   ALTAR  CEREMONIES. 


INTRODUCTORY   NOTE. 

The  following  songs  do  not  constitute  the  entire  number  that  are 
sung,  the  third  and  the  last  four  not  having  been  obtained.  When 
Wickwaya  alone  dictated  and  sang  these  for  me  towards  the  end  of 
my  stay  in  Oraibi  we  did  not  get  through,  and  my  hope  to  get  the 
rest  of  the  songs  was  never  realized.  Like  very  many  of  the  songs 
of  the  regular  Hopi  ceremonies  a  number  of  the  Marau  songs  either 
contain  words  and  forms  that  are  no  longer  in  every-day  use  or  they 
are  entirely  in  another  language  than  the  Hopi,  probably  having  been 
borrowed  from  the  Pueblo  of  New  Mexico.  Hence  the  translation 
of  these  songs  is  not  claimed  to  be  perfect  and  in  some  cases  is  frag- 
mentary. Hopi  songs  usually  contain  only  a  few  words  at  the  best, 
a  large  part  of  the  lines  being  filled  out  by  repeating  and  dragging 
out  certain  syllables  or  ejaculations  ad  libitum.  Where  this  is  the 
case  these  parts  of  the  different  stanzas  of  a  song  have  not  been  fully 
written  out  every  time,  reference*  being  made  to  the  first  verse.  It 
will  be  noticed  that  these  repetitions  are  not  exactly  alike  in  the  differ- 
ent verses  of  a  song.  Everything  being  a  matter  of  oral  tradition  and 
memory,  it  may  easily  be  understood  that  small  variations  would  occur, 
a  fact  which  I  have  noticed  very  frequently  in  the  different  ceremonies. 

The  numbers  in  the  songs  refer  to  corresponding  .numbers  in  the 
explanation  at  the  end  of  the  song. 


70      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 


I. 
Ki-tawi  (House  song). 
This  song  is  sung  at  the  beginning  of  the  ceremony  when  the 
meal  lines,  which  are  called  kihu  (house),  are  rubbed  against  the 
kiva  walls. 

Prelude. 
Inahanahainahai !  My  father! 

Inahanahainahai !  My  father! 

Inahaaanahi  nahahahai !        My  father ! 
Inahaaaanahai  nahahahai!    My  father! 

i.  To  the  north. 
Shuhkwiniaqo  nayawunaa.1     Just  north,  nayawuna. 
Nayawunayee  ki. 
Ikihi  tohokinahainahai.2 
Inahaaa  nahainahaihaihai ! 
Inahaaanaa  inahahaihai ! 


four 
four 


House  of  nayawuna. 
My  house  is  marked  (?). 
My  father! 
My  father! 

2.  To  the  west. 
Shuhtawangqo  choromum-oa.3  Just  west  turquoise. 


Choromumayee  ki. 
Ikihi  tohokinahainahai. 
Inahaaa  nahahahai ! 
Inahaaa  nahainahahahai ! 


House  of  turquoise. 
My  house  is  marked  (?). 
My  father! 
My  father! 

To  the  south. 


Shuhtatyaqo  aiwana.4 
Shaatcinayee  ki.5 
Ikihi  tohokinahainahai. 
Inahaaa  nahainahahahai ! 
Inahaaa  nahainahahahai ! 


Just  south  aiwunga. 
House  of  shaatcina. 
My  house  is  marked  (?). 
My  father! 
My  father! 

4.  To  the  east. 


Shuhopaqo  talanak-oa.6 
Wawunayee  ki.7 
Ikihi  toho  kinahainahai. 
Inahaaa  nahainahahai ! 
Inahaaa  nahainahahahai ! 


Just  east  clear  stone. 
House  of  wawuna. 
My  house  is  marked. 
My  father! 
My  father! 

To  the  north-east  (above). 


Shuongaqo  tokila-oa.8 
Waawunayee  ki. 
Ikihi  tohokinahainahai. 
Inahaaa  nahainahaiahai ! 
Inaaa  nahainahahahai ! 


Just  above  dark  rock. 
House  of  wawuna. 
My  house  is  marked. 
My  father! 
My  father! 


PL.  XXXIII. 

The  Marau  altar  in  the  Field  Museum  of  Natural  History. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  XXXIII. 


Feb.,  191 2.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  71 

6.  To  the  south-west  (below). 

Shuatyaqo  pavon-oa.9  Just  below  pavono  rock. 

Waawunayee  ki.  House  of  wawanua.10 

Ikihi  tohokinahainahai.  My  house  is  marked  (?). 

Inahaaa  nahainahaiahai !  My  father! 

Inahaaa  nahainahahahai !  My  father! 

Explanation. 

1  Old  name  of  a  stone  found  somewhere  north  of  Oraibi,  which  is 
said  to  be  of  a  whitish-yellow  color,  the  color  of  the  north.  2 1  am  not 
certain  about  the  meaning  of  this  word.  3  Undoubtedly  an  archaic 
form  for  choshposhi  (turquoise) ;  green  is  the  ceremonial  color  for  the 
west.  4  Claimed  to  be  archaic  name  for  abalone  shell.  This  is  usually 
mentioned  in  Hopi  songs  in  the  fifth  stanza  (above) ,  the  color  for  which 
is  black.     Why  it  is  mentioned  here  in  the  third  stanza  I  cannot  say. 

5  Claimed  to  be  an  archaic  name  for  pink  shells  and  beads.  This  name 
is  also  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  east  in  other  songs,  for  instance 
in  one  of  the  Powamu  songs     (see  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony,  page  133). 

6  The  word  talanak,  evidently  from  palangkpu,  red,  (the  color  of  the 
south)  is  used  in  this  stanza  for  the  east.  It  is  possible  that  I  mis- 
understood Wickwaya  and  that  this  should  be  palanak.  In  that  case, 
however,  it  would  seem  that  he  made  a  mistake  in  using  the  red  color 
for  the  stanza  to  the  east.  Talanak,  if  translated  "clear,"  would 
give  the  proper  color  for  the  east,  namely  white;  tala,  (clear,  light, 
bright)  sometimes  representing  white  in  the  Hopi.  7  Archaic  name  for 
a  pinkish  stone  (or  shell)  of  which  sometimes  beads  are  said  to  be  made. 
It  would  seem  that  this  term  should  have  been  used  in  the  third  stanza 
instead  of  aiwanga.  Others  claim  that  shaatcina  is  the  name  (archaic) 
for  the  pink  beads  (see  note  5,  above).  The  fact  that  wawuna  is  used 
in  the  fifth  and  sixth  stanzas  also,  is  evidently  an  error  on  the  part  of 
my  informant.  It  seems  that  in  the  process  of  oral  transmission,  at 
least  the  designation  of  the  different  stones  (or  shells)  for  the  proper 
directions  has  been  hopelessly  mixed  up  (compare  also  the  third  song 
and  notes  on  pages  133  and  135  of  my  "Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony"). 
8  Tokila,  meaning  night,  stands  here  for  dark.  9 1  am  not  sure  about 
the  meaning  of  pavon-oa,  but  believe,  that  the  literal  meaning  is  beaut- 
iful, especially  in  various  colors.     10  Meaning  not  known. 


72      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

II. 

Kuy-Tawi  (Water-song)  or  Makwan-Tawi  (Asperging  song). 

During  this,  the  second,  song  the  ears  of  corn  and  their  companions 
are  held  into  the  medicine  bowl,  the  water  from  the  gourd  vessels 
poured  over  them  and  then  the  priestess  asperges  with  them. 

Prelude. 

Yahaspolaina,1  Yaspolaina, 

Yaaspohoohooholaiaina ,  Yaspolaina , 

Yaspoholahaina,  Yaspolaina, 

Yaaspoholahaina,  Yaspolaina, 

Yaaspoholahainahahahai .  Yaspolaina . 


i.  To  the  north. 


Koowiyaiihisha, 
Haaahataihaya, 
Yooohotohomi, 
Yaspoohahaina , 
Yaaspoholahaina , 
Yaaspoholahainaha. 


Kowiyaisha, 

Haataiya, 

Yootomi, 

Yaspolaina, 

Yaspolaina, ' 

Yaspolaina. 


2.  To  the  west. 


Wunniy  aiihisha , 
Shayahashtohosha, 
Taaahaichohaya, 
Yaspoholahaina , 
Yaaspoholahaina , 
Yaaspoholahainahahahai . 


Wuniyaisha, 

Shayashtosha, 

Taichoya. 

Yaspolaina, 

Yaspolaina, 

Yaspolaina. 


3.  To  the  south. 

Before  this  stanza  the  prelude  is  chanted  again.2 

Nunkiiyaisha,  Nukiyaisha, 

Kaahahaowihili,  Kaowili, 

Maaahapehevochi,  Maapewochi, 

Yaspoholahaina,  Yaspolaina, 

Yaaspoholahaina,  Yaspolaina, 

Yaaspoholahainahahahai .  Yaspolaina . 


Feb.,  1912.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth. 


73 


4.  To  tKe  east. 


Haaniyahisha, 
Shoowahakahiya , 
Shoo  wahatihiya , 
Yaspoholahaina , 
Yaaspoholahaina , 


Haniyaisha, 

Showakaiya, 

Showaliya, 

Yaspolania, 

Yaspolania, 


Yaaspoholahainahahahai .  Yaspolania . 

5.  To  the  north-east  (above). 

Here  the  prelude  is  repeated. 

Tounihiyihaisha,  Toniyaisha, 

Haaaatahaya,  Haataya, 

Yooohotohomi,  Yootomi, 

Yaspoholahaina,  Yaspolaina, 

Yaaspoholahaina,  Yaspolaina, 

Yaaspoholahainaahahai .  Yaspolaina . 

6.  To  the  south-west  (below). 

Way  ahaahanu ,  Way  anu , 

Shoohohotihiki ,  Shotiki , 

Taaaaichohoya,  Taichoya, 

Yaspoholahaina,  Yaspolaina, 

Yaspoholahainaahaha,  Yaspolaina, 
Yaspolaina,                          •  Yaspolaina, 

Yaspohoohooholahaina,  Yaspolaina, 

Yaspohoolahaina,  Yaspolaina, 

Yaspohoolahana,  Yaspolaina, 

Yaspohoolahainahahahai,  Yaspolaina. 


Explanation. 

1  All  the  words  in  this  entire  song  are  either  archaic  or,  what  is 
more  likely,  in  a  foreign  language,  the  song  having  been  introduced 
from  the  Pueblo  Indians  of  New  Mexico.  The  words  in  the  first  lines 
of  the  six  verses,  I  infer  from  analogy,  indicate  the  usual  six  ceremonial 
directions  as  follows: 

First  stanza:     kowiya,  north. 

Second  stanza:    wuniya,  west. 

Third  stanza:      nukiya,  south. 

Fourth  stanza:   haniya,  east. 

Fifth  stanza:       toniya,  above. 

Sixth  stanza:       wayana,  below. 


74      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XL 

Another  old  Hopi  from  another  village  gave  me  the  following  names : 
Totiya,  north. 
Wuniya,  west. 
Kowiya,  south. 
Haniya,  east. 
Toniya,  above. 
Nukiya,  below. 

2  Where  a  song  has  a  prelude  this  is  sometimes  repeated  before  some 
but  seldom  before  all  verses. 

IV. 
Makwan-tawi  (Asperging  song). 
During  this  song  one  of  the  priestesses  dips  the  ears  of  corn  and 
their  companions,  that  lie  around  the  medicine  bowl,  into  the  bowl  and 
asperges  with  them. 

Prelude. 
Hanapana  waomi, 
Shiwashi, 

Kawawaa  nahahai; 
Hanapana  waomi, 
Shiwashi, 
Kawawaa  nahahakai. 

i.  To  the  north. 

Hanapana  waomi, 
Kochuni2  naahai, 
Kooi  ahaahai. 

2.  To  the  west. 
Hanapana  waomi, 
Maliya  naahai, 
Kooi  ahahahai. 

3.  To  the  south. 

Hanapana  waomi, 

Shiwashi, 

Kawawaa  nahahahai; 

Hanapana  waomi, 

Shiwashi, 

Kawawaa  nahahahai. 

Hanapana  waomi, 

Kukana  naahai, 

Kooi  ahahahai. 


Repetition  of  prelude.3 


Feb.,  1912.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  75 

4.  To  the  east. 

Hanapana  waomi, 
Kochuni  naahai, 
Kooi  ahahahai. 


Hanapana  waomi, 
Shiwashi, 

Kawawaa  nahahahai ; 
Hanapana  waomi, 
Kawawaa  nahahahai. 


5.  To  the  north-east  (above). 

Repetition  of  prelude. 


Hanapana  waomi, 
Komaa  naahai, 
Kooi  ahahahai. 


6.  To  the  south-west  (below). 


Hanapana  waomi, 
Pinaa  naahai, 
Kooi  ahahahai. 

Postlude. 
Hanapana  wawaishi, 
Kawawaa  nahahahahai, 
Hanapana  wawaishi, 
Kawawaa  nahahahai. 


Explanation. 

1  The  words  of  the  song  are  archaic  and  no  explanation  of  their 
meaning  could  thus  far  be  obtained.  2  This  word  also  occurs  in  the 
fourth  stanza  in  the  same  line.  One  is  probably  an  error.  While 
such  errors  would  perhaps  occur  seldom  in  the  regular  ceremony, 
where  more  than  one  sing,  I  had  to  call  Wickwaya's  attention  a  num- 
ber of  times  to  mistakes  of  this  kind,  when  he  sang  for  me  alone,  and 
often  had  to  repeat  again  and  again  certain  lines  or  verses  by  which  he, 
not  infrequently,  became  confused.  3  It  has  already  been  noted  in 
connection  with  another  song  that  where  a  song  has  a  prelude  this  is 
sometimes  repeated,  usually  before  the  third  and  fifth  stanza. 


Archaic  or  foreign. 
Meaning  not  known. 


76      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

V. 
Way  tawi  (Calling  song). 
Four  priestesses  wave  various  objects  towards  and  into  the  bowl 
and  asperge  with  them. 

1.  To  the  north. 
Hayahahaya  hayahahaya, 
Hayahaayahahahai , 
Omunakaito  shiyano, 
Yowakaito  shanihiyahahahahai. 
This  stanza  is  repeated  for  the  west,  south,  east,  north-east  and 
south-west. 

VI. 
Puhtap-tawi  (Road  marking  song). 
Sixth  song  in  the  altar  ceremony  where  all  cast  meal  towards  the 
altar. 

Prelude. 
Shiy  aiahaoaaga , 
Shohoshchoyaina , 
Ahaohaayahahahai ; 
Shiyaiahaohaaya , 
Shohoshchoyaina , 
Ahaohaayahahahai, 
Shiyainawashchoyainaawo . 

1.  To  the  north. 

Shohoschoy  aina , 

Ahaohaayahahahai , 

Shiyaiahaohaaya ; 

Shohoshchoyaina , 

Ahaohaayahahahai , 

Shiyainawashchoyainaawo . 
This  stanza  is  repeated  five  times,  namely  for  the  west,  south, 
east,  north-east  (above)  and  south-west  (below),  and  then  follows  the 
following  postlude : 

Shohoshchoyaina , 

Ahaohaayahahahai ; 

Shiyaiahaohaaya , 

Shohoshchoy  ainaa , 

Ahaohaayahahahai . 

Explanation. 

The  words  arc  archaic  or  foreign  and  no  longer  understood. 


Feb.,  1912.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  77 

VII. 
Omaw  tawi  (Cloud  Song). 
The  chief  priest  blows  smoke  from  the  cloud-blower. 

Prelude. 

Hayahaya  haheyayahi  I1       Haya  (a  call  to  the  clouds) ! 
Angqohi  kuiwa!  Come,  loom  up! 

Angqohi  kuiwa!  Come,  loom  up! 

Tokwunahaangw  mungwitu,  Towering  cloud  deities, 
Tokwunahaangw  manatu,  Towering  cloud  maidens, 
Haya ! 

1.  To  the  north. 

Haaaaashiihiotoo !  Yes,  that's  it! 

Haaaashiihiotoo !  That's  it ! 

Pawi  umahana!  Come  you  here! 

Vihichangwaya  omato,  Beautifully  decorated,  get  them,2 

Haya !  Haya !  (an  exclamation) ! 

This  stanza  is  repeated  for  the  west,  south,  east,  above  and  below 
with  the  prelude  before  the  third  and  fifth  verses  and  also  as  a  postlude. 

Explanation. 
1  A  call  to  the  cloud  deities.     2  Probably  the  prayer  offerings. 

VIII. 

Hao  inguu  (My  mother). 
During  this  song  only  charm  liquid  is  asperged. 

1.  To  the  north. 
Haowhaow,  inguuu,  Hao,  my  mother, 

Towanashabee,1  At  Towanashabe, 

Takuri-kao,  inguu!  Yellow  corn -ear,  my  mother! 

Utumu  namaa,  Let  us  go  together, 

Akwiniwii  asika  iola.2  North  (the)  yellow  iola. 

Hatimuyu,  huwawayiiihi,  The  children,  call  them, 

Hapi  yeyepe  umungem-pasiohti.         Now  here  for  you   (this  is)  per- 
formed. 
Nayawun  3  hoputa,4  Yellowish  mineral  hoputa, 

Pasiohti.5  (This  is)  performed. 


~\ 


78      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 


2.  To  the  west. 


Haowhaow,  inguuu, 
Towanashabee, 
Sakwapu-kao,  inguu! 
Utumu  namaa, 
Hatawange  sakwa  iola. 
Hatimuyu,  huwawayiiihi, 
Hapi  yeyepe  umungem  pasiohti, 
Choromum  6  hoputa, 
Pasiohti. 


Hao,  my  mother, 

At  Towanashabe, 

Green  corn-ear,  my  mother! 

Let  us  go  together, 

West  (the)  blue  iola. 

The  children,  call  them, 

Now  here  for  you  (it  is  celebrated) , 

Green  ear  pendants  hoputa, 

This  is  performed. 


3.  To  the  south. 


Haowhaow,  inguuu, 

Towanashabee, 

Pawala-kao,  inguu! 

Utumu  namaa, 

Atatatoo  pala  iola. 

Hatimuyu,  huwawayiiihi, 

Hapi  yeyepe  umungem  pasiohti. 

Talanak  7  hoputa, 
Pasiohti. 


per- 


To 


Haowhaow,  inguuu, 

Towanashabee, 

Qoyawi-kao,  inguu! 

Uutumu  namaa, 

Ahopoo  qotca  iola. 

Hatimuyu,  huwawayiiihi, 

Hapi  yeyepe  umungem  pasiohti. 

Shaatcin  8  hoputa, 
Pasiohti. 


Hao,  my  mother, 

At  Towanashabe, 

Red  corn-ear,  my  mother! 

Let  us  go  together, 

South  South  (the)  read  iola. 

The  children,  call  them, 

Now   here   for   you   this   is 

formed. 
Red  mineral  hoputa, 
This  is  performed. 

the  east. 

Hao,  my  mother, 
At  Towanashabe, 
White  corn-ear,  my  mother! 
Let  us  go  together, 
East  (the)  white  iola. 
The  children,  call  them, 
Now  here  for  you    (this  is   per- 
formed) . 
White  mineral  hoputa, 
This  is  performed. 


5.  To  the  north-east  (above). 

Haowhaow,  inguuu,  Hao,  my  mother, 

Towanashabee,  At  Towanashabe, 

Kokoma-kao,  inguu!  Black  corn-ear,  my  mother! 

Ututumu  namaa,  Let  us  go  together, 

Haomii  hakoma  iola.  Above  (the)  dark  iola. 

Hatimuyu,  huwawayiihi,  The  childern,  call  them, 


Feb.,  191 2.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  79 

Hapi  yeyepe  umungem  pasiohti.         Now  here  for  you    (this  is  per- 
formed) . 
Tokil 9  hoputa,  The  black  hoputa, 

Pasiohti.  This  is  performed. 

6.  To  the  south-west  (below). 

Haowhaw  inguuuu,  Hao,  my  mother, 

Towanashabee,  At  Towanashabe, 

Tawakchi-kao,  inguu!  Sweet  corn -ear,  my  mother! 

Utumu  namaa,  Let  us  go  together, 

Atyami  imasi  iola.  Below  (the)  mixed  colors  iola. 

Hatimuyu,  huwawayiiihi,  The  children,  call  them, 

Hapi  yeyepi  umungem  pasiohti.  Now  here  for  you   (this  is  per- 
formed) . 

Maasi  hoputa,10  The  mixed  (gray)  hoputa, 

Pasiohti.  (This  is)  performed. 

Postlude. 
Hawhowinguuuuu . 

Explanation. 

1  A  place  a  few  miles  south  of  Oraibi  where  some  of  the  Hopi  clans, 
chiefly  the  Honani  (Badger),  is  said  to  have  lived.  The  Hopi  also 
speak  of  a  Towanashabe  somewhere  atyaka,  (below). 

2  Iola  is  an  archaic  word.  Corn  and  mother  has  been  suggested 
by  old  priests  as  the  probable  meaning  of  it.  I  am  inclined  to  believe 
that  the  first  is  correct. 

3  Nayawuna,  archaic  name  for  yellowish  white  mineral  that  is  used 
in  songs  for  the  north. 

4  The  archaic  word  hoputa  occurs  also  in  other  songs,  but  thus  far 
its  meaning  could  not  be  determined.  As  it  is  used  in  connection  with 
the  minerals,  referred  to  in  songs,  it  may  mean  stone  or  mineral. 

5  The  fundamental  meaning  of  pasiohti  is  "concluded,"  "con- 
summated," etc.,  but  it  also  is  used  where  it  would  convey  the  idea  of 
"worship,"  "performance,"  "celebrate."  In  the  translation  of  this 
song  it  is  used  in  the  latter  sense,  though  it  might  also  be  correct  to 
translate  it:  "finished,"  "concluded,"  etc.,  in  the  sense  of  "Amen." 

6  In  all  probability  refers  to  choshposhi  (turquoise). 

7  See  note  6,  song  I. 

8  See  note  5,  song  I. 

9"Tokili,"  "night,"  "dark"  has  here  the  meaning  of  black,  the 
color  of  above. 


80     Field  Museum  or  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XL 

10  "Masi."  For  this  and  the  previous  direction  (above)  the  words 
are  used  that  are  still  in  use,  instead  of  archaic.  While  "masi"  is 
frequently  used  for  gray  it  has  in  ceremonies  and  songs  the  meaning  of 
a  mixture  of  all  colors,  not  referred  to  in  regard  to  the  other  five  direc- 
tions. Where  corn  is  referred  to,  sweet-corn  is  mentioned  for  this 
direction  (below). 

IX. 

WlYOTYANI. 

Only  asperging  takes  place  during  this  song. 

Prelude. 


Wiyo  wiyo  wiyo, 
Wiyo  wiyo  wiyo, 
Wihihihihiyo. 

1  Archaic  or  foreign;   meaning  not 
known. 

i.  To  the  north. 

Wiyo  wiyo  wiyo, 
Wiyo  wiyo  wiyo, 
Wihihihihiyo. 

r  See  above. 

Hapi  ayamo, 
Towanashabee , 1 

Now  then  over  yonder, 
At  Towanashabe, 

Takush-kao. 

Yellow  corn-ear. 

Tomasi 2  inguu, 
Siko-anitu,3 

Clan  sister,  my  mother, 
B  lossom-stick-ani  tu , 

Tawi-kwaa,4 
Lani-kwaa,5 

Song-kwaa, 
Flute-kwaa, 

Nguman-ita.6 

Meal-ita. 

2.  To  the  west. 

Wiyo  wiyo  wiyo, 
Wiyo  wiyo  wiyo, 
Wihihihihiyo. 
Hapi  ayamo, 
Towanashabee , 

1 

f-  See  above. 

Now  then  over  yonder, 
At  Towanashabe, 

Sakwap-kao. 
Tomasi  inguu, 
Siko-anitu, 

Blue  corn-ear. 

Clan  sister,  my  mother, 

Blossom-stick  anitu, 

Tawi-kwaa, 
Lani-kwaa, 

Song-kwaa, 
Flute-kwaa, 

Nguman-ita. 

Meal-ita. 

Feb.,  191 2.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth. 


81 


3.  To  the  south. 


Wiyo  wiyo  wiyo, 

Wiyo  wiyo  wiyo, 

Wihihihihiyo. 

Hapi  ayamo, 

Towanashabee, 

Pawal-kao. 

Tomasi  inguu, 

Siko-anitu, 

Tawi-kwaa, 

Lani-kwaa, 

Ngumam-ita. 


See  above. 

Now  then,  over  yonder, 

At  Towanashabee, 

Red  corn-ear. 

Clan  sister,  my  mother, 

Blossom-stick  anitu, 

Song-kwaa, 

Flute-kwaa, 

Meal-ita. 


4.  To  the  east. 


Wiyo  wiyo  wiyo, 

Wiyo  wiyo  wiyo, 

Wihihihihiyo. 

Hapi  ayamo, 

Tawanashabee, 

Qoyap-kao. 

Tomasi  inguu, 

Siko-anitu, 

Tawi-kwaa, 

Lani-kwaa, 

Nguman-ita. 


1 

[-  See  above. 


J 


Now  then,  over  yonder, 
At  Towanashabee, 
White  corn-ear. 
Clan  sister,  my  mother, 
Blossom-stick  anitu, 
Song-kwaa, 
Flute-kwaa, 
Meal-ita. 


To  the  north-east  (above). 


Wiyo  wiyo  wiyo, 

Wiyo  wiyo  wiyo, 

Wihihihihiyo. 

Hapi  ayamo, 

Towanashabee , 

Kokom-kao. 

Tomasi  inguu, 

Siko-anitu, 

Tawi-kwaa, 

Lani-kwaa, 

Nguman-ita. 


See  above. 

Now  then,  over  yonder, 
At  Towanashabee, 
Black  corn-ear. 
Clan  sister,  my  mother, 
Blossom-stick  anitu, 
Song-kwaa, 
Flute-kwaa, 
Meal-ita. 


82      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

6.  To  the  south-west  (below). 

Wiyo,  wiyo,  wiyo, 

Wiyo,  wiyo,  wiyo,  r  See  above. 

Wihihihihiyo.  J 

Hapi  ayamo,  Now  then,  over  yonder, 

Towanashabee,  At  Towanashabee, 

Tawakchi-kao.  Sweet-corn-ear. 

Tomasi  inguu,  Clan  sister,  my  mother, 

Siko-anitu,  Blossom-stick  anitu, 

Tawi-kwaa,  Song-kwaa, 

Lani-kwaa,  Flute-kwaa, 

Nguman-ita.  Meal-ita. 


Postlude. 


Wiyo,  wiyo,  wiyo, 
Wiyo,  wiyo,  wiyo, 
Wihihihihiyo. 

Explanation. 

1  See  first  song,  explanation  i . 

2  From  tomsi.      A  Hopi  calls  any  female  member  of  his  clan  itomsi, 
my  clan  sister  or  clan  fellow. 

3  The  last  part  of  this  word  as  well  as  that  of  the  following  lines  is 
archaic  and  its  meaning  could  not  yet  be  determined. 

4  The  last  part  of  the  word  archaic  and  meaning  not  known. 

5  The  same. 

6  The  same. 

X. 

One  of  the  priestesses  asperges  charm  liquid. 

i .  To  the  north. 

Yao  1  yao  yaayo  yaayoho, 
Yao  yao  yaayo  yaayoho, 
Yao  yao  yaayoho, 
Yao  yao  yaayoho. 
Hapi 2  china  3  yaao  yaayoho, 
Hapi  china  yaao  yaayoho, 
Yao  yao  yaayoho, 
Yao  yao  yaayoho. 


Feb.,  191 2.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  83 

This  stanza  is  repeated  for  the  west,  south,  east,  above  and  below, 
literally.     Then  this  postlude  follows: 
Yaao  yaayayo  y  ay  oho, 
Yao  yao  yaayo  yaayoho, 
Yao  yao  yaayoho, 
Yao  yao  yaayoho. 

Explanation. 

1  Archaic,  but  Wickwaya  thought  it  was  identical  with  "yaoi"  or 
"Yoni,"  which  are  used  when  one  is  told  something  he  has  already 
heard,  especially  if  it  is  a  piece  of  new  or  interesting  information. 
They  are  identical  with  such  expressions  as:  "So,  I  hear;"  "So  I 
understand,"  "So  they  say,"  etc.  This  meaning  of  the  word  would 
hardly  seem  applicable  here  though. 

2  Hapi.     An  ejaculation,  like  "Now,  then!"  "Well,  then!" 

3  Wickwaya  claimed  that  "chinayu"  was  an  old  form  for  "chin- 
akni,"  (to)  "spread  out,"  "increase,"  etc. 


XI. 

IWIWINI. 

Asperging  by  one  of  the  priestesses  from  the  bowl. 

Prelude. 


Iwiwi  iwiwii  iwiwi, 
Iwiwika  iwiwi, 
Iwiwi  iwiwii  iwiwika, 
Iwiwi  wiwika  wiwi, 
Iwiwika  iwiwihihihi. 


Archaic  or  foreign.     Meaning  not 
known. 


1.  To  the  north. 

Hahapi  uhura,1  Towanashabee,2  Why,  now,  at  Towanashabe, 

Takuri-kaao,  tomasi3  inguu.  Yellow  corn -ear,  my  clan  fellow 

mother. 

Kwiniwii,  tawamana-nakway  4  akwa.  North,  with  oriole  prayer  feather. 

Timuyu  wawayi,  wawayi.5  The  children  call,  call. 

Iwiwika  iwiwi,  1    .     .    .  , 

T    .    ..     .    .    .'  ..  ..  .  ?-  Archaic  or  foreign. 

Iwiwika  iwiwihihihi. 


84      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

2.  To  the  west. 

Why,  now,  at  Towanashabe, 
Blue    corn-ear,    my    clan    fellow 

mother. 
West,    with    blue    bird     prayer 

feather. 
Children  call,  call. 


Hahapi  uhura,  Towanashabee, 
Sakwapu-kaao,  tomasi  inguu. 


Tawangaa,  choroyoy-nakway 

ahakwaa. 
Trimuyu  wawayi,  wawayi. 
Iwiwika  iwiwi, 
Iwiwika  iwiwihihihi. 


^Archaic. 


3.  To  the  south. 
The  prelude  is  here  chanted  and  then  as  follows  :6 


Hahapi  uhura,  Towanashabee, 
Pawalaa-kao,  tomasi  inguu, 

Tatoo,  karo-nakway  akwa. 

Timuyu  wawayi,  wawayi. 
Iwiwika  iwiwi, 
Iwiwika  iwiwihihihi. 


Why,  now,  at  Towanashabe. 
Red  corn-ear,  my  clan  fellow 

mother. 
South,    with    parrot    prayer 

feather. 
Children  call,  call. 

Archaic. 


4.  To  the  east. 
Here  the  prelude  is  chanted  and  then  as  follows : 


Hahapi  uhura,  Towanashabee, 
Qoyawi-kaao  tomasi  inguu. 

Hohopo,  posiw-nakway  ahakwaa. 

Timuyu  wawayi,  wawayi. 
Iwiwika  iwiwi, 
Iwiwika  iwiwihihihi. 


Why,  now  at  Towanashabe, 
White  corn-ear,  my  clan  fellow 

mother. 
East,    with    magpie    prayer 

feather. 
Children  call,  call. 

^Archaic. 


5.  To  the  north-east  (above) 

First  the  prelude  again,  and  then 
Hahapi  uhura,  Towanashabee, 
Kokoma-kaao,  tomasi  inguu. 
Ohomii,  asi  7-nakway  ahakwaa. 


Timuyu  wawayi,  wawayi. 
Iwiwika  iwiwi, 
Iwiwika  iwiwihihihi. 


Why,  now,  at  Towanashabe, 
Block  corn-ear,  my  mother. 
Above,  with    sparrow    prayer 

feather. 
Children  call,  call. 

t  Archaic. 


Feb.,  1912.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth. 
6.  To  the  south-west  (below). 


85 


Hahapi  uhura,  Towanashabee, 
Towokchi-kaao,  tomasi  inguu. 

Ahatyami,  toposhkwa-nakway  akwa. 

Timuyu  wawayi,  wawayi. 
Iwiwika  iwiwi, 
Iwiwika  wiwiwihihihi. 


Why,  now,  at  Towanashabe, 

Sweet-corn-ear,  my  clan  fel- 
low mother. 

Below,  with  warbler  prayer 
feather. 

Children  call,  call. 

Archaic. 


Postlude. 


Iwiwi  iwiwiwi  iwiwi, 
Iwiwika  iwiwi, 
Iwiwi  iwiwi  iwiwika, 
Iwiwi  iwiwika  iwiwi, 
Iwiwika  iwiwihihihi. 


Archaic. 


Explanation. 


1  Hapi  and  ura  are  particles  or  exclamations  which  could  not  be 
literally  translated.  They  somewhat  correspond  to  the  English 
"Why,"  "Why,  now,"  "Well,  now,"  or  the  German  "etc."  ,,Wohlan," 
,,so,"  ,,jetzt,"  etc. 

2  See  song  VIII,  explanation  1. 

3  See  song  IX,  explanation  2. 

4  From  nakwa,  meaning  wish,  prayer,  but  used  almost  exclusively 
for  the  prayer  featheis  tied  to  the  hair  on  top  of  the  head  by  parti- 
cipants in  ceremonies,  or  thrust  into  the  top  of  ceremonial  slabs,  sticks, 
etc. 

5  An  archaic  form  of  wangwaiyi  (to)  call.  Hence  it  cannot  be 
determined  what  form  of  the  verb  this  is  which  leaves  the  translation 
somewhat  obscure. 

6  See  Explanation  2,  Song  II. 

7  This  should  undoubtedly  be  asya  (the  sparrow) ,  which  is  always 
used  for  above  where  birds  are  mentioned  in  songs. 


XII. 
Payatamuni. 

No  other  rite,  except  asperging,  takes  place  during  this  song. 


86      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

i.  To  the  north. 


►  Archaic  or  foreign. 


Payataamu  1  payataamu  payataamu, 

Payataamu  shaano. 

Payataamu  payataamu  payatamu, 

Payataamu  Shaano. 

Ahakomishi  Tawakomishi, 

Hahoshtayashta  shaano. 

This  verse  is  repeated  in  exactly  the  same  way  for  the  other  five 
directions,  and  then  the  following: 

Postlude. 

Payatamu  payatamu, 

Payatamu  payatamu  shaano. 
1  Payatamu  appears  to  be  the  name  of  a  deity  of  the  Pueblo  Indians 
of  New  Mexico.     He  is  frequently  represented  by  the  Hopi  as  one  of 
the  Tcotskutu  (Jesters  or  clowns)  in  connection  with  Katcina  dancers. 

XIII. 

Payatamu  halaivini,  (fast). 
Asperging  from  the  medicine  bowl  only  takes  place  during  this  song. 


Prelude. 


Pagataamu,1 
Shalololo  kaanaa, 
Shimaolo  shimaolo, 
Shimaolo  maolo. 
Payatama, 
Shalololo  kaanaa, 
Shimaolo  shimaolo, 
Maoloshii  maolo. 


i.  To  the  north. 


Kowiyaihisha,2 
Koomanishkoy  ana , 
Kaaowkayana, 
Shalololo  kaanaa, 
Shimaolo  shimaolo, 
Shiimaolo. 


Repetition  of  a  part  of  the  prelude. 
(See  explanation  for  song.) 


Feb.,  1912.      The  Oraibi  Marau  Ceremony  —  Voth.  87 

.  2.  To  the  west. 
Wuniyaihisha, 
Koomanishkoyana , 
Kaaowkoyana, 
Shalololo  kaanaa, 
Shimaolo, 
Shimaolo, 
Maoloshii  maolo. 

3.  To  the  south. 

Payatamu, 
Shalololo  kaanao, 
Shimaolo  shimaolo, 
Shimaolo  Shiimaolo. 
Nuukiyaisha, 
Koomanishkoyana , 
Kaaowkoyana, 
Shalololo  kaanaa, 
Shimaolo  Shimaolo. 

4.  To  the  east. 

Haaniyaiisha, 
Koomani  shkoy  ana , 
Shalololo  kaanaa, 
Shimaolo  Shimaolo, 
Maoloshii  maolo. 

5.  To  the  north-east  (above). 

Touniyaihisha, 
Koomanishkoyana , 
Kaaowkoyana , 
Shalololo  kaanaa, 
Shimaolo  shimaolo. 

6.  To  the  south-west  (below). 

Waayaahaani, 
Koomanishkoyana , 
Kaaowkoyana, 
Shimaolo  shimaolo, 
Maolo  Shiimaolo. 


88      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  —  Anth.,  Vol.  XI. 

Explanation. 

1  For  the  meaning  of  Payatamu  see  Explanation  i ,  previous  song. 

2  It  will  be  noticed  that  the  first  words  in  each  stanza  are  the  only 
ones  in  which  the  six  verses  differ.  They  are  kowiya,  wuniya,  nuukiya, 
haniya,  touniya  and  waaya.  They,  as  well  as  the  other  words  in  the 
song,  are  archaic  and  no  reliable  information  about  their  meaning 
could  be  obtained  beyond  the  fact  that  they  refer  to  the  six  ceremonial 
cardinal  points,  north,  west,  south,  east,  above  and  below  (see  note  i 
under  the  second  song).  In  my  opinion  the  words  in  this  and  the 
other  songs  and  the  entire  songs  that  are  not  understood  by  the  Hopi, 
are  generally  not  archaic  Hopi  words  or  songs,  but  have  been  intro- 
duced from  the  Pueblo  Indians  on  the  Rio  Grande. 


